Introduction to Generative Syntax Week 1: Fundamentals

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Introduction to Generative Syntax Week 1: Fundamentals Klaus Abels Wroc law, July/August 2005 1 What is Generative Grammar about? 1.1 Generative Grammars are explicit grammars (1) A generative grammar is an explicit grammar. Traditional grammars usually are not at all explicit. In fact y assume a lot of reader s own intuitions: that reader will be able to fill in pattern correctly. 1.1.1 Case Study: Anaphors and Pronouns in English (2) a. *I kicked me. b. You kicked me. c. He kicked me. (3) a. I kicked you. b. *You kicked you. c. He kicked you. (4) a. I kicked myself. b. *You kicked myself. c. *He kicked myself. (5) a. *I kicked yourself. b. You kicked yourself. c. *He kicked yourself. The notation with asterisk (*) used here is standard in linguistics. A sentence with an asterisk at beginning is considered to be unacceptable by native speakers. 1 We see that pronouns and anaphors are in complementary distribution. (6) a. I kicked him. b. You kicked him. c. He i kicked him k. 1 There is anor use in historical linguistics, where forms marked with asterisk are reconstructed historical forms. 1

d. *He i kicked him i. (7) a. *I kicked himself. b. *You kicked himself. c. He i kicked himself i. d. *He i kicked himself k. The notation with subscripts (i and k) indicates reference. Two linguistic items that have same index refer to same thing. Two linguistic items that have different indices refer to different things. (8) a. Mark i says that Sally dislikes him i. b. *Mark i says that Sally dislikes himself i. (9) a. Mary i wishes that everyone would praise her i. b. *Mary i wishes that everyone would praise herself i. (10) a. Mary introduced clown i to himself i. b. *Mary introduced himself i to clown i. c. The clown i introduced himself i to Mary. d. The clown i introduced Mary to himself i. (11) a. John s mor likes herself. b. *John s mor i likes her i. c. *John s mor likes himself. d. John i s mor likes him i (12) a. The mor i of John likes herself i. b. *The mor i of John likes her i. c. *The mor of John i likes himself i. d. The mor of John i likes him i. As we will see, re is a lot more to be said about this... The examples up to (10) are consistent with following two claims: (13) Principle A to be revised: Anaphors (reflexive pronouns) in English must have a co-referring antecedent to ir left within same clause. (14) Principle B to be revised: Pronouns in English must not have a co-referring antecedent to ir left within same clause. However final examples show that principle governing distribution and interpretation of anaphors and pronouns is considerably more subtle as final two cases show. As you probably know, words are not grouped simply into sequences of words in natural languages, but into groups called syntagmas or phrases. In (12-c) for example, structure we end up looks like this: Introduction to Generative Syntax 2 Wroc law July/August 2005

(15) a. (16) a. b. [ John i [ likes himself i ] ] John i likes himself i i likes herself i mor of John b. [ [ [ mor [ of John ] ] ] i [ likes herself i ] ] (17) a. i likes her k, i mor of John b. [ [ [ mor [ of John ] ] ] i [ likes her k, i ] ] (18) a. likes himself i mor of John i b. [ [ [ mor [ of John i ] ] ] [ likes himself i ] ] (19) a. likes mor of John i b. [ [ [ mor [ of John i ] ] ] [ likes him i ] ] him i (20) C-command A node α c-commands anor node β iff 2 you can get from α to β by going one step up from α in tree and n as many steps down as you like. You must not go same step down that you went up. (21) Principle A Anaphors in English must have a co-referring antecedent 2 iff means if and only if. Introduction to Generative Syntax 3 Wroc law July/August 2005

which c-commands m and which is within same clause. (22) Principle B Pronouns in English must not have a co-referring antecedent which c-commands m and which is within same clause. Even a relatively superficial look at distribution and interpretation of pronouns and reflexives leads to immediate complexities that traditional grammars typically do not treat. A grammar that is explicit and allows to generate all and only sentences that are grammatical in language that is being described is called descriptively adquate following Chomsky (1965): it describes language correctly. But how do we approach se questions? And What do we do once we have an explicit description of se facts? And why bor? Introduction to Generative Syntax 4 Wroc law July/August 2005

Some terminological and substantive conventions regarding trees: (23) A B C D E F J (24) All of A M are called nodes of tree. G H I K L M (25) The lines connecting any two nodes are called branches. (26) By convention, left to right order in trees corresponds to temporal sequence of words spoken. In (23) we have B E H K L M, also we have B C and B D as well as F J. (27) If some node α is connected to anor node β by a single line going down, n α is mor of β and β is daughter of α. Thus we have A is mor of B and C, C is mor of D, J is mor of K, L, and M, etc. A doesn t have a mor. (28) Two nodes that have same mor are called sisters. Thus B and C are sisters, E, F and J are sisters of each or, G and I are sisters, and K, L, and M are sisters. (29) A node α immediately dominates anor node β iff α is β s mor. (30) A node α dominates anor node β iff a. α immediately dominates β or b. re is a node γ, such that α dominates γ and γ dominates β. Thus A dominates all or nodes. C dominates everything except for A and B, F dominates G, H, and I, I dominates nothing, etc. (31) The undominated node is called root. A is root. (32) Nodes that do not dominate anything are called terminal nodes. B, E, H, K, L, and M are terminal nodes. (33) The subtree dominated by a particular node is called a constituent rooted at that node. (34) By convention, every node has exactly one mor. Every tree has exactly one root. No branches cross. Introduction to Generative Syntax 5 Wroc law July/August 2005

Klaus Abels REFERENCES References Abels, Klaus. to appear. expletive negation in russian: A conspiracy ory. Journal of Slavic Linguistics. Aitchison, Jean. 1994. Predistinate grooves: Is re a preordained language program? In Language - introductory readings, ed. Virginia P. Clark, Paul A. Eschholz, and Alfred F. Rosa, 117 136. New York: St. Martin s Press, 5 edition. Baker, Mark. 2003. Lexical categories: verbs, nouns, and adjectives. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Brown, Sue, and Steven Franks. 1995. Asymmetries in scope of russian negation. Journal of Slavic Linguistics 3:239 287. Cann, Ronnie. 1999. Specifiers as secondary heads. In Specifiers: Minimalist approaches, ed. David Adger, Susan Pintzuk, Bernadette Plunkett, and George Tsoulas, 21 45. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Chomsky, Noam. 1957. Syntactic structures. The Hague: Mouton. Chomsky, Noam. 1965. Aspects of ory of syntax. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Chomsky, Noam. 1986. Knowledge of language. New York: Praeger. Chomsky, Noam. 1995. Bare phrase structure. In Government and binding ory and minimalist program, ed. Gert Webelhuth, 383 439. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Chomsky, Noam. 2000. New horizons in study of language and mind. Cambridge, UK.: Cambridge University Press. Chomsky, Noam, Adriana Belletti, and Luigi Rizzi. 2002. On nature and language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cinque, Guglielmo. 1999. Adverbs and functional heads - a cross-linguistic perspective. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press. Cinque, Guglielmo. 2000. On greenbergs universal 20 and semitic dp. Cinque, Guglielmo. 2004. Deriving greenbergs universal 20 and its exceptions. Cormack, Annabel. 1999. Without specifiers. In Specifiers: Minimalist approaches, ed. David Adger, Susan Pintzuk, Bernadette Plunkett, and George Tsoulas, 46 68. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Duffield, Nigel. 1999. Adjectival modifiers and specifier-adjunct distinction. In Specifiers: Minimalist approaches, ed. David Adger, Susan Pintzuk, Bernadette Plunkett, and George Tsoulas, 126 145. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Introduction to Generative Syntax 30 Wroc law July/August 2005

Klaus Abels REFERENCES Gopnik, M, and Martha B. Crago. 1991. Familial aggregation of a developmental language disorder. Cognition 39:1 50. Kayne, Richard. 1994. The antisymmetry of syntax. Press. Cambridge, MA.: MIT Kracht, Marcus. 2003. The mamatics of language. Studies in Generative Grammar 63. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Muysken, Pieter. 1982. Parametrizing notion head. Journal of Linguistic Research 2:57 76. Pesetsky, David. 1995. Zero syntax. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Pesetsky, David, and Esr Torrego. to appear. Tense, case, and nature of syntactic categories. In The syntax of time, ed. Jacqueline Guron and Jacqueline Lecarme. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Pinker, Steven. 1994. The language instinct. New York: Morrow. Riemsdijk, Henk van. 1998. Categorial feature magnetism: The endocentricity and distribution of projections. Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 2:1 48. Smith, Neil, and Ianthi-Maria Tsimpli. 1995. The mind of a savant - language learning and modularity. Malden: Blackwell. Smith, Neil, Ianthi-Maria Tsimpli, and Jamal Ouhalla. 1993. Learning impossible: The acquisition of possible and impossible languages by a polyglot savant. Lingua 91:279 347. Starke, Michal. 2001. On inexistence of specifiers and nature of heads. Introduction to Generative Syntax 31 Wroc law July/August 2005