Generalization II: The subject of handcuff in the passive voice must be an organism

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4 Movement We introduced a new tool in passing yesterday: movement. I notated it in a double way with an arrow and a curved line. We will look a bit more at movement today. 5 A first look at the Passive (106) Leif Erikson discovered America. (107) America was discovered by Leif Erikson. (108) The two sentences share the same basic meaning; yet, their structure is very different: (109) It is plausible to say that the active and the passive are somehow related to each other. (110) We can convince ourselves by making the following observations. (111) a. The police handcuffed the criminal. b. The police handcuffed the murderers c. The police handcuffed the mayor. d. The police handcuffed the students. e. *The police handcuffed the windows. f. *The police handcuffed the dream. g. *The police handcuffed the sounds. Generalization I: The object of handcuff in the active voice must be an organism with hands. (112) a. The criminal was handcuffed by the police. b. The murderers were handcuffed by the police. c. The mayor was handcuffed by the police. d. The students were handcuffed by the police. e. *The windows were handcuffed by the police. f. *The dream was handcuffed by the police. g. *The sounds were handcuffed by the police. (113) Again the same restriction emerges, except that the restriction that applied to objects in the active voice applies to subjects in the passive voice. Generalization II: The subject of handcuff in the passive voice must be an organism with hands. (114) Consider now the verb hear and the restrictions on its subject. (115) a. John heard the shot. b. The teacher heard the shot. c. The congressperson heard the shot. d. The cat heard the shot. e. *The artichoke heard the shot. Introduction to Generative Syntax 27 Wroc law July/August 2005

f. *The explosion heard the shot. g. *The flame heard the shot. h. *The wallpaper heard the shot. Generalization III: The subject of hear in the active voice must be an organism with an auditory sense. (116) a. The shot was heard by John. b. The shot was heard by the teacher. c. The shot was heard by the congressperson. d. The shot was heard by the cat. e. *The shot was heard by the artichoke. f. *The shot was heard by the explosion. g. *The shot was heard by the flame. h. *The shot was heard by the wallpaper. Generalization IV: The material after by in the passive voice of hear must be an organism with an auditory sense. (117) Clearly, generalizations I and II are really the same and generalization III and IV are also the same. But if our grammar did not relate active and passive sentences to each other, there would be no way to relate I to II and III to IV. (118) In general the restrictions that a verb in the active imposes on the object are identical to those that a passive verb imposes on the subject, and the restrictions that a verb in the active imposes on the subject are identical to those that a verb in the passive imposes on the material after by. (119) What we want to say is that the verb puts restrictions on the object position on what goes into its complement position. This can then be the same for both active and passive. (120) There is an obvious way of making sure that the object of the active sentence is the subject of the passive: it occupies both positions. This configuration is called movement. (121) TP DetP T the Det T 0 VP Det 0 shot was V V t NP heard (122) More evidence for the transformational treatment of passives comes Introduction to Generative Syntax 28 Wroc law July/August 2005

from Russian genitive of negation. (123) a. Ivan ne pročital Ivan.nom NEG read.msc.sg Ivan didn t read the books. b. *Ivana ne pročital(o) Ivan.gen NEG read.msc.sg(neut.sg) Ivan didn t read the books. (124) a. Knigi ne byli books.nom.pl NEG were.pl The books weren t read. b. Knig ne bylo books.gen.pl NEG was.sg The books werent read. knigi, knig books.nom.pl, books.gen.pl pročitany. read.pl pročitano. read.sg.neut knigi, knig books.nom.pl, books.gen.pl Movement, i.e., the attachment of the same object in several positions in the tree is used in transformational grammar and its successors to deal with cases there is evidence of an element occupying two positions. 6 Preview Next week we will look at Argument Structure Agreement and Case More on passives, case, and subjects Long distance Movement and Locality Theory Long distance Movement and Cyclicity Introduction to Generative Syntax 29 Wroc law July/August 2005

REFERENCES References Abels, Klaus. to appear. expletive negation in russian: A conspiracy theory. Journal of Slavic Linguistics. Aitchison, Jean. 1994. Predistinate grooves: Is there a preordained language program? In Language - introductory readings, ed. Virginia P. Clark, Paul A. Eschholz, and Alfred F. Rosa, 117 136. New York: St. Martin s Press, 5 edition. Baker, Mark. 2003. Lexical categories: verbs, nouns, and adjectives. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Brown, Sue, and Steven Franks. 1995. Asymmetries in the scope of russian negation. Journal of Slavic Linguistics 3:239 287. Cann, Ronnie. 1999. Specifiers as secondary heads. In Specifiers: Minimalist approaches, ed. David Adger, Susan Pintzuk, Bernadette Plunkett, and George Tsoulas, 21 45. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Chomsky, Noam. 1957. Syntactic structures. The Hague: Mouton. Chomsky, Noam. 1965. Aspects of the theory of syntax. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Chomsky, Noam. 1986. Knowledge of language. New York: Praeger. Chomsky, Noam. 1995. Bare phrase structure. In Government and binding theory and the minimalist program, ed. Gert Webelhuth, 383 439. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Chomsky, Noam. 2000. New horizons in the study of language and mind. Cambridge, UK.: Cambridge University Press. Chomsky, Noam, Adriana Belletti, and Luigi Rizzi. 2002. On nature and language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cinque, Guglielmo. 1999. Adverbs and functional heads - a cross-linguistic perspective. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press. Cinque, Guglielmo. 2000. On greenbergs universal 20 and the semitic dp. Cinque, Guglielmo. 2004. Deriving greenbergs universal 20 and its exceptions. Cormack, Annabel. 1999. Without specifiers. In Specifiers: Minimalist approaches, ed. David Adger, Susan Pintzuk, Bernadette Plunkett, and George Tsoulas, 46 68. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Duffield, Nigel. 1999. Adjectival modifiers and the specifier-adjunct distinction. In Specifiers: Minimalist approaches, ed. David Adger, Susan Pintzuk, Bernadette Plunkett, and George Tsoulas, 126 145. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Introduction to Generative Syntax 30 Wroc law July/August 2005

REFERENCES Gopnik, M, and Martha B. Crago. 1991. Familial aggregation of a developmental language disorder. Cognition 39:1 50. Kayne, Richard. 1994. The antisymmetry of syntax. Press. Cambridge, MA.: MIT Kracht, Marcus. 2003. The mathematics of language. Studies in Generative Grammar 63. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Muysken, Pieter. 1982. Parametrizing the notion head. Journal of Linguistic Research 2:57 76. Pesetsky, David. 1995. Zero syntax. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Pesetsky, David, and Esther Torrego. to appear. Tense, case, and the nature of syntactic categories. In The syntax of time, ed. Jacqueline Guron and Jacqueline Lecarme. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Pinker, Steven. 1994. The language instinct. New York: Morrow. Riemsdijk, Henk van. 1998. Categorial feature magnetism: The endocentricity and distribution of projections. Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 2:1 48. Smith, Neil, and Ianthi-Maria Tsimpli. 1995. The mind of a savant - language learning and modularity. Malden: Blackwell. Smith, Neil, Ianthi-Maria Tsimpli, and Jamal Ouhalla. 1993. Learning the impossible: The acquisition of possible and impossible languages by a polyglot savant. Lingua 91:279 347. Starke, Michal. 2001. On the inexistence of specifiers and the nature of heads. Introduction to Generative Syntax 31 Wroc law July/August 2005