0 ntroduction oun incorporation is the process by which a noun becomes part of a verb stem. ncorporation. As head movement () a. ñen kina-n ñam-t-aj tiger-n seize-npst-sbj will seize the tiger b. ñen ñam-kit-te-n-aj seize-tiger-npst-vr-sbj will seize a tiger Baker (988) proposes thancorporation is derived through head movement, which is restricted by the Head Movement Constraint (Travis, 984). (4) An X 0 may only move into the Y 0 which properly governs it. Early proposals (Mithun, 984) suggess a lexical process. Subsequent accounts (Sadock, 980; Baker, 988; van Geenhoven, 998) propose thas a syntactic process. Current accounts of noun incorporation rely on head movement and cannot derive the observed structures in Sora. (2) a. kina-n ñam-t-iñ tiger-n catch-npst-obj The tiger will catch me b. ñam-kit-t-iñ catch-tiger-npst-obj A tiger will catch me Governmens defined by c-command (Chomsky, 986). (5) A governs B iff A c-commands B and there is no category C such that C is a barrier between A and B. So, must c-command for to incorporate, allowing the incorporation of an object (6) but not subject (7) (Baker, 988, p. 88). (6) Possible S (7) mpossible *S (3) dzo-me-bob-d@m-t@-n-aj smear-oil-head-rflx-npst-vr-sbj smear oil on my head P P e P Outline:. llustrate that head movement cannot account for the data in Sora. 2. Present Matushansky s (2006) modification using m-merger. 3. Provide a derivation for the incorporation of non-canonical arguments, including: a. object/patients b. subject/agents c. instruments d. locations e. multiple arguments bean i spill.2 With m-merger baby i laugh Head movement and phrasal movement are triggered by the same factor and are in facnstances of the same phenomenon (feature valuation followed by merge) Matushansky (2006, p. 7) Head movement and phrasal movement share a landing site (specifier of the attracting head) but differ with respect to the second process (m-merger)
(8) Head movement as m-merger (Matushansky, 2006, p. 94) 2. Object/patienncorporation a. movement b. m-merger Objecncorporation poses no challenge to incorporation as head movement, and is easily derived with m-merger. XP X XP X (0) a. ñen kina-n ñam-t-aj tiger-n seize-npst-sbj will seize the tiger b. ñen ñam-kit-te-n-aj seize-tiger-npst-vr-sbj will seize a tiger X 0 ZP YP Y X 0 X 0 ZP YP Y () a. gorza-@n village-n gu:-t-@-dzi build-npst-pl They are building the village b. gu:-za-t@-n-dzi build-village-npst-vr-pl They are building a village WP WP Proposal: ncorporation occurs at the functional head v rather than the lexical head. 2 ncorporation in Sora Sora is an SO, agglutinative, nominative/accusative language. Each noun has two forms: the combining form and the free form (Starosta, 992; Ramamurti, 93; Anderson, 2007). (9) Affix Combining form Free form Gloss Class /ke-/ -bud- k@mbud pig animals -dud- k@ndud frog /-@n-/ -dzo- dz@no broom instruments -ku- k@nu razor red -pu- pupu rice cake natural terms -sa- sasa turmeric -da- dapa: water C:() -si- sipi: hand suppletive -boi- @nselo woman -kid- kina tiger Allows for the incorporation of subjects derived at the specifier of. Captures the similarities between incorporated and unincorporated forms, changing the valency through a functional head rather than through the verb. Driven by feature valuation of inc features on combining forms, while free forms have no inc features. (2) Derivation of objecncorporation a. Movement [uc] [ic] 0 2
b. Derivation of objecncorporation with m-merger (6) Derivation of subjecncorporation. a. no movement b. m-merger [ic] [uc] t 0 DP 0 DP 0 2.2 Subject/agenncorporation True subject/agenncorporation was previously unattested and has not yet been accounted for. (3) a. kina-n ñam-t-iñ tiger-n catch-npst-obj (4) a. sonum-@n spirit-n The tiger will catch me pa-t-am carry-npst-2obj The ghost will carry you (5) a. kembud-@n bear-n sa:-t-am mangle-npst-2obj The bear will mangle you b. ñam-kid-t-iñ catch-tiger-npst-obj A tiger will catch me b. pa-sum-t-am carry-spirit-npst-2obj A ghost will carry you b. sa:-bud-t-am mangle-bear-npst-2obj A bear will mangle you Subjecncorporation is easily accounted through m-merger alone as subjects are generated at the specifier of. This account provides additional support for m-merger, showing its application outside traditional instances of head movement. 2.3 Adjuncncorporation Though common cross-linguistically, these structures cannot be derived through models of incorporation via head movement. Locations clearly incorporate (7a), even to the exclusion of objects (7b). (7) a. ñ@n ag-ga:-si-am neg.npst-drink-hand-2obj will not drink from your hand b. ñ@n dapa-n ag-ga:-si-am water-n neg-drink-hand-2obj will not drink water from your hand nstrumenncorporation, on the other hand, is possible bus generally disfavored (8c). (8) a. ñ@n ataldzi-ñ@n sipi-bate gidza-t-aj foot-sg.poss hand-with scrub-npst-sbj wash my foot with my hand b. ñ@n sipi-bate aba-dzi-t@-n-aj hand-with wash-foot-npst-vr-sbj wash my foot with my hand 3
c.? ñ@n ataldzi-ñ@n a-si-t-aj foot-sg.poss wash-hand-npst-sbj? wash my foot with my hand d. * ñen aba-dzi-si-t@-n-aj wash-foot-hand-npst-vr-sbj * am washing my foot with my hand 2.4 Multiple argumenncorporation (23) Derivation of location incorporation wp... w w 0 Up to two arguments can incorporate successively into a single stem. (9) dzo-me-bob-d@m-t@-n-aj smear-oil-head-rflx-npst-vr-sbj (20) ñen smear oil on my head (Ramamurti, 93, p. 43) adz-dza-dar-si:-am neg.npst-receive-cooked.rice-hand-2obj won t receive rice from your hand (Ramamurti, 93, p. 44) (2) dzi-lo:-si:-t-am stick-earth-hand-npst-2obj Mud will stick to your hand (Ramamurti, 93, p. 44) Some combinations of arguments are observed while others are not. By treating the incorporation of multiple arguments as distincnstances of the same phenomenon, we account for structures in which both object/subject and location are incorporated, while blocking the structures that do not occur as subjects, objects and instruments compete for the same incorporation slot. (24) Derivation of multiple argumenncorporation loc wp w (22) Possible ot Possible? ot Observed obj + loc obj + instr sbj + instr sbj + loc sbj + obj loc + instr obj w 0 This asymmetry suggests that locations and instruments are not derived in the same way and rather thanstruments are derived similarly to subjects and objects. sbj Proposal: There are two incorporating heads v and w and that each can maximally incorporate one argument. v incorporates obj, sbj, and instr at Spell-Out t 0 obj w introduces as a specifier and incorporates loc at wp Spell-Out 4
3 Conclusion References Traditional accounts of head movement (Baker, 988) cannot account for the structures in Sora, which include subject/agent and multiple argument incorporation. m-merger (Matushansky, 2006) can derive these structures. oun incorporation is driven by the functional head v and feature valuation of [inc] features. Multiple argumenncorporation can be derived by an additional incorporating head w. Acknowledgements This work would not have been possible without the support of many people. would like to thank Karlos Arregi and Greg Kobele for their guidance, feedback, and encouragement. am also grateful for the support of K. David Harrison. Additionally, want to thank Marianne Mithun, Jerry Sadock, Adam Singerman, Emily Hanink, Kathryn Franich and the Morphology and Syntax Worskshop at the University of Chicago for their comments and conversation. And finally, am grateful for the support of the Sora community, especially my patient and extraordinarily knowledgable consultant Opino Gomango. All errors are my own. Anderson, Gregory. 2007. The Munda verb. Berlin: De Gruyter. Baker, Mark. 988. ncorporation: A theory of grammatical function changing. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Chomsky, oam. 986. Barriers. Cambridge, Mass.: MT Press. van Geenhoven, eerle. 998. Semantic incorporation and indefinite descriptions: Semantic and syntactic aspects of noun incorporation in West Greenlandic. Stanford: CSL Publications. Matushansky, Ora. 2006. Head movemenn linguistic theory. Linguistic nquiry 37(). 69 09. Mithun, Marianne. 984. The evolution of noun incorporation. Language 4(847-894). Ramamurti, Rao Sahib. 93. Grammar of the Sora (Savara) language. Delhi: Mittal. Sadock, Jerrold. 980. oun incorporation in Greenlandic: A case of syntactic word formation. Language 56(2). 300 39. Starosta, Stanley. 992. Sora combining forms and pseudo-compounding. Mon-Khmer Studies X-XX. 78 05. Travis, L. 984. Parameters and effects of word order variation. Cambridge, Mass.: MT dissertation. 5