PROSODIC CONSTRAINTS GOVERNING SYLLABLE CONTRACTION. This chapter aims at explaining the asymmetrical behavior of the following

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1 98 CHAPTER 5 PROSODIC CONSTRAINTS GOVERNING SYLLABLE CONTRACTION This chapter aims at explaining the asymmetrical behavior of the following A-not-A strings in connected speech phonology: namely σ 1 -m 21 -σ 2, σ 1 -m 21 -σ 2 -σ 3, σ 1 -σ 2 -m 21 -σ 3 -σ 4, as well as the simple negation m 21 -σ 1 string. I argue that syllable contraction, or the prohibition of syllable contraction, is subjected to prosodic factors. Despite their different patterns, their behavior can be explained by the same ranking of prosodic constraints in accordance to Optimality Theory. First, I compare the prosodic structures of various A-not-A strings. Second, I put forward a set of relevant prosodic constraints. Lastly, I explain how the ranking of these constraints may predict the permissibility of syllable contraction. 5.1 Prosodic structure of various A-not-A strings Cantonese prosodic structure, such as foot and stress, is not yet a well-established subject in the available literature. Since there is no neutral tone or tone sandhi in Cantonese to represent stressless syllables, there is hardly any obvious pattern of speech rhythm, unlike the case of Mandarin. Even native speakers can hardly feel stress in Cantonese. As Duanmu (2000) suggests, in a tone language, F0 is used to draw lexical contrasts. As a result, the most important phonetic cue for stress is not available. Nevertheless, there are more subtle ways to prove the existence of stress such as restrictions of word order and word length

2 99 (see Duanmu 2000 for discussion). Moreover, in a lot of languages, it is a tendency for a stressed element to keep its features whereas an unstressed element loses some of the features (Duanmu 1993). A simple example from English is vowel reduction in unstressed syllables. A vowel in an unstressed syllable often reduces into a mid vowel [ ]. Such relationship between reduction and stress, which is the head of a foot, is the anchor of the following discussion. Before describing the prosodic structure of A-not-A strings, I state a number of assumptions regarding Cantonese prosodic structure. First, I assume that the foot structure of Cantonese is binary. Second, I assume that the head 1 is on the left of a foot, and so strong and weak syllables alternate, which is also hypothesized by Lee (2003). Therefore, a Cantonese foot is a binary syllabic trochee. The four types of strings are divided into two groups. In the first group, syllable contraction is permissible, which includes σ 1 -m 21 -σ 2 and σ 1 -m 21 -σ 2 -σ 3. In the second group, syllable contractions of all kinds are prohibited, which includes the σ 1 -σ 2 -m 21 -σ 3 -σ 4 and the string of simple negation m 21 -σ 1. (88) and (89) present the prosodic structures of the σ 1 -m 21 -σ 2 and σ 1 -m 21 -σ 2 -σ 3 strings respectively. The transcription of data is shown in the bottom row. The syllables in bold are prone to 1 To avoid side-tracking controversies, which digress from the theme of syllable contraction, I am not going to use the term stress throughout the discussion. I take it as the head of a foot in general.

3 100 contract into one syllable in connected speech. This is a process which changes the status of the syllabic labial nasal /m / from an independent syllable into an onset or coda consonant. On Level 0, the number of syllables is marked. On the next level, a foot boundary is drawn and Ø represents an empty beat. Finally, Level 2 marks the head of a foot by. (88) Prosodic structure of σ 1 -m 21 -σ 2 strings Level 2 Head Level 1 Foot (σ σ) (σ Ø) Level 0 Syllable σ σ σ Data 濕唔濕 認唔認 s p e m m 開唔開 h m 惡唔惡 m s p e h (89) Prosodic structure of σ 1 -m 21 -σ 2 -σ 3 strings Level 2 Head Level 1 Foot (σ σ) (σ σ) Level 0 Syllable σ σ σ σ Data 濕唔濕滯 認唔認識 s p e 開唔開唔開朗 h m 惡唔惡唔惡死 m m s p ts i m e sek h The shaded column in both tables draws the following generalization - the l sei syllable [m ] falls on a light beat. It is not the head of any foot. On the contrary, [m ] in the other two strings has a different prosodic nature. In tables (90) and (91), the metrical structures of the σ 1 -σ 2 -m 21 -σ 3 -σ 4 and m 21 -σ 1 strings are presented. They are cases where syllable contraction is prohibited. For the m 21 -σ 1 string, any

4 101 possible contraction may only concern the syllable following /m /. Therefore, only syllables with glottal consonants are listed. (90) Prosodic structure of σ 1 -σ 2 -m 21 -σ 3 -σ 4 strings Level 2 Head Level 1 Foot (σ σ) (σ σ ) (σ Ø) Level 0 Syllable σ σ σ σ σ Data 潮濕唔濕唔潮濕 ts iw s p m ts iw s p 招認唔認唔招認 tsiw e m tsiw e 開朗唔開唔開朗 h l m 惡死唔惡唔惡死 sei m h l sei (91) Prosodic structure of m 21 -σ 1 strings (simple negation) Level 2 Head Level 1 Foot (σ σ ) Level 0 Syllable σ σ Data 唔開 唔惡 m m h In both tables, [m ] occupies a head position, as indicated by Level 2. It is a strong beat on the left of a binary foot. The observations from the four tables altogether are evidence to show that when [m ] is a head of a foot, syllable contraction is consistently prohibited. When [m ] does not occupy the head position of a foot, it can be reduced from an independent syllable into an onset [m-] or a coda consonant [-m]. There is a strong relationship between syllable contraction and prosody. The phonology of syllable contraction does not only concern the two syllables involved. Rather, it takes place upon a larger domain on the phrase level. The prosodic structure of the whole phrase must be examined in order to predict the permissibility of contraction.

5 Predicting the result of syllable contraction by constraint ranking In OT terms, the demand of identity between the input and output is faithfulness. In particular, in regard to head-faithfulness, Dresher and van der Hulst (1995) points out that more phonological complexity is allowed in heads. Marked segments can survive in head position only. Alderete (1995:14) further translates this observation in OT terms, suggesting that faithfulness outranks markedness in head positions. A constraint of head identity is proposed under the faithfulness family: (92) HEAD-IDENT(F) Correspondent segments in prosodic heads in the input and output agree in value for feature [F]. (Alderete 1995:14) For the case of Cantonese syllable contraction, the feature involved is syllabicity. The syllabic labial nasal [m ] switches between the status as a syllable nucleus and a non-nucleus in different strings during connected speech. (93) specifies the feature of syllabicity: (93) HEAD-IDENT(SYLLABIC) The syllabicity of a segment in prosodic heads in the input should agree with that of the correspondent segment in the output. This constraint is bound to be in conflict with the markedness constraint against syllabic nasals, which is proposed in the previous chapter: (94) *NUCLEUS/NASAL Against syllabic nasals. The prohibition of syllable contraction involving a syllabic nasal in prosodic

6 103 heads can be explained by the domination of head identity against markedness: (95) Selection of permissible contraction in A-not-A strings Inputs Candidates HEAD-IDENT (SYLLABIC) *NUCLEUS /NASAL (i) (σ σ) (σ Ø) s p m s p (ii) (σ σ) (σ σ) s p m s p ts i (iii) (σ σ) (σ σ) (σ Ø) ts iw s p m ts iw s p (iv) (σ σ) (σ Ø) m (v) (σ σ) (σ σ) m sei (vi) (σ σ) (σ σ) (σ Ø) sei m sei (vii) (σ σ) m a. a. s m s p b. s p m s p s m s p ts i b. s p m s p ts i a. ts iw s m ts iw s p *! b. a. ts iw s p m ts iw s p k m b. k m k a. k m sei b. k m k sei a. k sei m sei *! b. b. k sei m k sei a. m *! m k *! *! * *! *! * * In this tableau, (i)-(iii) involves the contraction of the two syllables [s p m ]

7 104 into [s m]; whereas (iv)-(vii) involves the contraction of [m ] into [m]. The former represents the contraction of the syllabic nasal [m ] with the preceding syllable while the latter represents contraction with the following syllable. In every pair of candidates, contraction takes place in (a) but not in (b). In the inputs (iii), (vi) and (vii), the syllable [m ] occupies the head position in the foot as indicated by. Contraction in candidates (a) changes the syllabicity of [m ] from [+syllabic] into [-syllabic]. This process goes against the demand of head identity. Since the constraint HEAD-IDENT (SYLLABIC) is undominated, all candidates (a) of these inputs incur a fatal violation. Although candidates (b) contain a marked segment [m ], the violation of *NUCLEUS/NASAL is not fatal since it is of a lower rank. Hence, candidates (b) of (iii), (vi) and (vii) are selected as optimal. Candidates with uncontracted syllables win over the others. For the inputs (i), (ii), (iv) and (v), the syllabic nasal [m ] occupies a non-head position in a foot. Contraction in candidates (a) does not violate HEAD-IDENT (SYLLABIC). Since all candidates (b) have a nasal syllable nucleus, they violate *NUCLEUS/NASAL. While candidates (a) do not incur any constraint violation, they are selected as optimal. In these cases, syllable contraction is not prohibited.

8 Summary of prosodic factors Despite the asymmetrical behavior of [m ] in different environments, all strings of A-not-A constructions are in fact governed by the same constraint hierarchy: HEAD-IDENT (SYLLABIC)>> *NUCLEUS/NASAL. In σ 1 -σ 2 -m 21 -σ 3 -σ 4 and m 21 -σ 1 strings, the syllabic nasal [m ] is the prosodic head of a foot. Contraction of any kind is prohibited by the faithfulness constraint HEAD-IDENT (SYLLABIC). In σ 1 -m 21 -σ 2 and σ 1 -m 21 -σ 2 -σ 3 strings, [m ] is a prosodic non-head and hence syllable contraction does not incur any fatal violation. To sum up, the phonology of syllable contraction does not only concern the contracted disyllabic string; rather, in the prediction of the behavior of [m ], a larger prosodic domain on the phrase level should be taken into consideration. While [m ] is assigned a different position in a foot structure, its pattern of contraction also differs.

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