Holger Diessel University of Jena.
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1 Holger Diessel University of Jena
2 Markedness Markedness describes asymmetries in the encoding and behavior of related linguistic expressions. Greenberg 1966 Croft 1990 / 2003
3 Markedness SG PL English car car-s Tartar botak botak-lar Zulu umu-ntu aba-ntu M. Mlabri Ɂɛɛw Ɂɛɛw
4 Markedness SG marked SG unmarked PL marked PL unmarked + + +
5 Markedness Language-specific: The English plural is structurally marked because it involves an extra morpheme. Cross-linguistic: The plural is marked because there is no language in which the plural is expressed by fewer morphemes than the singular.
6 Markedness If a language uses an overt inflection for the singular, then it also uses an overt inflection for the plural.
7 Markedness The marked and unmarked forms must be paradigmatic alternates (Croft 1990). The marked and unmarked forms (i.e. the forms we compare) must be related categories (e.g. singular and number; but not gender and passive).
8 Structural markedness The marked value of a grammatical category will be expressed by at least as many morphemes as is the unmarked value of that category. (Croft 2003: 92)
9 Local markedness SG car PL car-s pair of pants pants
10 Local markedness SG PL the Turkana (people) ŋiturana-ɪt ŋiturana
11 Local markedness the Turkana (people) wild animal SG ŋiturana-ɪt ŋityaŋ-ɪt PL ŋiturana ŋityaŋi
12 Local markedness the Turkana (people) wild animal ear SG ŋiturana-ɪt ŋityaŋ-ɪt ak-ɪt PL ŋiturana ŋityaŋi ŋaki
13 Local markedness the Turkana (people) wild animal ear shoe SG ŋiturana-ɪt ŋityaŋ-ɪt ak-ɪt amuk-at PL ŋiturana ŋityaŋi ŋaki ŋamuk
14 Examples of structural markedness in English
15 Structural markedness Marked Unmarked Number marking car car-s Adjective comparison Grammatical relations big Peter big-ger / big-est Peter s to Peter Tense walk walk-ed will go have gone
16 Structural markedness Marked Unmarked Number marking car car-s Adjective comparison Grammatical relations big Peter big-ger / big-est Peter s to Peter Tense walk walk-ed will go have gone
17 Structural markedness Marked Unmarked Number marking car car-s Adjective comparison Grammatical relations big Peter big-ger / big-est Peter s to Peter Tense walk walk-ed will go have gone
18 Structural markedness Marked Unmarked Number marking car car-s Adjective comparison Grammatical relations big Peter big-ger / big-est Peter s to Peter Tense walk walk-ed will go have gone
19 Structural markedness Aspect walk is walk-ing Mood go would go Voice kick is / get kick-ed Negation happy have un-happy don t have Clause type Ø that if / when / since
20 Structural markedness Aspect walk is walk-ing Mood go would go Voice kick is / get kick-ed Negation happy have un-happy don t have Clause type Ø that if / when / since
21 Structural markedness Aspect walk is walk-ing Mood go would go Voice kick is / get kick-ed Negation happy have un-happy don t have Clause type Ø that if / when / since
22 Structural markedness Aspect walk is walk-ing Mood go would go Voice kick is / get kick-ed Negation happy have un-happy don t have Clause type Ø that if / when / since
23 Structural markedness Aspect walk is walk-ing Mood go would go Voice kick is / get kick-ed Negation happy have un-happy don t have Clause type Ø that if / when / since
24 Structural markedness Are these examples of structural markedness? go went be was bad worse good better
25 Structural markedness Are these examples of structural markedness? sing sang bring brought keep kept see saw
26 Structural markedness Are these examples of structural markedness? hable I spoke Spanish hablo he spoke habla he speaks
27 Behavioral markedness There are two types of behavioral markedness: Inflection Distribution
28 Behavioral markedness If the marked value has a certain number of formal distinctions in an inflectional paradigm, then the unmarked value will have at least as many formal distinctions in the same paradigm. (Croft 2003: 97)
29 Inflectional markedness SG PL MASC FEM NEUT MASC FEM NEUT 1st 2nd 3rd I I we we you you you you he she it they they they
30 Inflectional markedness SUBJ OBJ 3 rd person he / she / it him / her / it Interrogative pronouns who who(m) Demonstrative pronouns that that Lexical nouns car car
31 Inflectional markedness SG PL 3 rd person he / she / it they Interrogative pronouns who who Demonstrative pronouns that those Relative pronouns that that Lexical nouns car car-s
32 Inflectional markedness Present Past 1 st SG walk walked 2 nd SG walk walked 3 rd SG walks walked 1 st PL walk walked 2 nd PL walk walked 3 rd PL walk walked
33 Inflectional markedness be walk Present Past Present Past 1 st SG am was walk walked 2 nd SG are were walk walked 3 rd SG is was walks walked 1 st PL are were walk walked 2 nd PL are were walk walked 3 rd PL are were walk walked
34 Inflectional markedness be walk Present Past Present Past 1 st SG am was walk walked 2 nd SG are were walk walked 3 rd SG is was walks walked 1 st PL are were walk walked 2 nd PL are were walk walked 3 rd PL are were walk walked
35 Inflectional markedness be walk Present Past Present Past 1 st SG am was walk walked 2 nd SG are were walk walked 3 rd SG is was walks walked 1 st PL are were walk walked 2 nd PL are were walk walked 3 rd PL are were walk walked
36 Inflectional markedness Strong SG PL NOM stan stan-as GEN stan-es stan-a DAT stan-e stan-um ACC stan stan-as
37 Inflectional markedness that/the Masc Neut Fem Plural NOM se þæt seo þa GEN þæs þæs þære þara DAT þæm þæ:m þæ:re þæm ACC þone þæt þa þa INST þy: þy:
38 Inflectional markedness that/the Masc Neut Fem Plural NOM se þæt seo þa GEN þæs þæs þære þara DAT þæm þæ:m þæ:re þæm ACC þone þæt þa þa INST þy: þy:
39 Inflectional markedness that/the Masc Neut Fem Plural NOM se þæt seo þa GEN þæs þæs þære þara DAT þæm þæ:m þæ:re þæm ACC þone þæt þa þa INST þy: þy:
40 Inflectional markedness that/the Masc Neut Fem Plural NOM se þæt seo þa GEN þæs þæs þære þara DAT þæm þæ:m þæ:re þæm ACC þone þæt þa þa INST þy: þy:
41 Inflectional markedness Indicative Present Past 1. Sg sing-e sang 2. Sg sing-est sung-e 3. Sg sing-eð sang 1. Pl. sing-að sung-on 2. PL sing-að sung-on 3. PL sing-að sung-on
42 Inflectional markedness Subjunctive 1. Sg sing-e sung-e 2. Sg sing-e sung-e 3. PL sing-e sung-e 1. PL sing-en sung-en 2. PL sing-en sung-en 3. PL sing-en sung-en
43 Distributional markedness If the marked value occurs in a certain number of distinct grammatical environments (i.e. construction types), then the unmarked value will also occur in at least those environments that the marked value occurs in. (Croft 2003: 98)
44 Distributional markedness Personal pronouns vs. reflexive pronouns (1) a. He saw Mary. b. Mary saw him. (2) a. Peter saw himself. b. *Himself saw Peter.
45 Distributional markedness Process vs. stative verbs (1) a. She played the piano. b. She was playing the piano. (2) a. She liked bananas. b. *She was liking bananas.
46 Distributional markedness Activity verbs vs. psych verbs in active/passive (1) a. My sister kicked the ball. b. The ball was kicked by my sister. (2) a. My sister likes bananas. b. *Bananas are liked by my sister.
47 Distributional markedness Main clauses vs. subordinate clauses (1) a. I met my old friend Peter on the bus. b. On the bus I met my old friend Peter. (2) a. When I met my old friend Peter on the bus, we b. *When on the bus I met my old friend Peter,
48 Neutral value Roman Jakobson Nicholas Trubetzkoy
49 Neutral value The archiphoneme a. Bund Bunde b. bunt bunte
50 Neutral value (1) a. man and women b. mankind (2) a. dog (canine) b. dog (male dog) vs. bitch (female dog) (3) a. How old are you? b. *How young are you?
51 Neutral value (1) English the child/person. He (2) Maasai aiŋai na-ewnoɂ It.is.who who.fem-has.come Who has come?
52 How do we account for the various markedness patterns?
53 Frequency and markedness Text frequency Cross-linguistic frequency
54 Frequency and markedness Zipf s law (1935: 29) Frequency correlates with length: Frequent words tend to be short.
55 Frequency and markedness Frequent forms tend to be pronounced less carefully than infrequent forms, and thus frequent forms are often shortened. airplane > plane omnibus > bus going to > gonna Infrequent forms often require an extra element to explicitly distinguish it from the default. der vs. der nicht
56 Frequency and markedness Frequency correlates with irregularity (= number of morphemes in a paradigm): Frequent inflectional categories tend to be irregular (= diverse)
57 Distributional markedness Distributional markedness is semantically motivated. Reflexive pronouns are not permissible in subject position because of their function/meaning (= subject coreference). Stative verbs are not permissible in the progressive because states have no inherent structure. Subordinate clauses do not allow for certain word order patterns because they are pragmatically presupposed.
58 Neutral value Phonetic motivation: There is a natural tendency to devoice speech sounds at the end of a word.
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