Locality domains in syntax: Evidence from sentence processing
|
|
|
- Lillian O’Connor’
- 6 years ago
- Views:
Transcription
1 Locality domains in syntax: Evidence from sentence processing Stefan Keine University of Massachusetts Amherst WCCFL 32 Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 1/35
2 Introduction Background Long-distance movement is formed successive-cyclically (Chomsky 1973, 1977) The traditional view: Intermediate gap created in Spec,CP (1) Who did Sue say [ CP t that Sam thinks [ CP t Bill likes t? Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 2/35
3 Extensions to vp More recently (Chomsky 1986, 2000, 2001), vps have standardly been taken to also require successive-cyclic movement through their specifier Phases C and v are phase heads Phase Impenetrability Condition requires intermediate landing site in specifier Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 3/35
4 This talk Main point Evidence from sentence processing can be used to locate intermediate landing sites and thereby phases Main claims Reading time evidence for intermediate gaps created by successive cyclicity This evidence suggests that only CPs host intermediate gaps; vps do not Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 4/35
5 Roadmap 1 Successive cyclicity in parsing: Previous evidence 2 3 Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 5/35
6 Roadmap 1 Successive cyclicity in parsing: Previous evidence 2 3 Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 6/35
7 Why sentence processing? Syntactic constraints and sentence processing Chomsky (2000, 2001, 2005): Phases are the result of constraints on computational resources This directly leads one to expect to observe effects of phases in online processing successive cyclicity Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 7/35
8 Why sentence processing? Syntactic constraints and sentence processing Chomsky (2000, 2001, 2005): Phases are the result of constraints on computational resources This directly leads one to expect to observe effects of phases in online processing successive cyclicity Gibson & Warren (2004): Reading time evidence for intermediate gaps in Spec,CP Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 7/35
9 Gibson & Warren (2004): Background The role of filler gap distance The greater the distance between the filler and the gap, the greater the reading time at the position of the gap (e.g., King & Just 1991, Gibson 1998, 2000, Gordon et al. 2001, Warren & Gibson 2002, Lewis & Vasishth 2005) Rationale: Filler has to be syntactically and semantically integrated at gap position distance increases the difficulty of filler retrieval Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 8/35
10 Gibson & Warren (2004): The basic idea Movement out of CP compared to movement over complex subject DP (2) CP condition The consultant [ who the manager claimed [ CP that the new proposal had pleased ]] will hire five workers tomorrow. (3) DP condition The consultant [ who [ DP the manager s claim about the new proposal ] had pleased ] will hire five workers tomorrow. Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 9/35
11 Structure of relative clause who { the manager claimed [CP that the new proposal [ DP the manager s claim about the new proposal] } had pleased t Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 10/35
12 Structure of relative clause who { the manager claimed [CP that the new proposal [ DP the manager s claim about the new proposal] } had pleased t Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 10/35
13 Structure of relative clause who { the manager claimed [CP that the new proposal [ DP the manager s claim about the new proposal] } had pleased t Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 10/35
14 Structure of relative clause who { the manager claimed [CP that the new proposal [ DP the manager s claim about the new proposal] } had pleased t Expectation Distance to closest antecedent is smaller in CP structure due to intermediate trace DP condition This should manifest itself in the reading times at gap-hosting verb pleased Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 10/35
15 Reading time: The crucial comparisons (4) CP condition a. The manager who the consultant claimed that the new proposals had pleased t will hire five workers tomorrow. (5) DP condition a. The manager who the consultant s claim about the new proposal had pleased t will hire five workers tomorrow. Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 11/35
16 Reading time: The crucial comparisons (4) CP condition a. The manager who the consultant claimed that the new proposals had pleased t will hire five workers tomorrow. b. The consultant claimed that the new proposals had pleased the manager who will hire five workers tomorrow. (baseline) (5) DP condition a. The manager who the consultant s claim about the new proposal had pleased t will hire five workers tomorrow. b. The consultant s claim about the new proposal had pleased the manager who will hire five workers tomorrow. (baseline) Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 11/35
17 Reading time: The crucial comparisons (4) CP condition a. The manager who the consultant claimed that the new proposals had pleased t will hire five workers tomorrow. b. The consultant claimed that the new proposals had pleased the manager who will hire five workers tomorrow. (baseline) (5) DP condition a. The manager who the consultant s claim about the new proposal had pleased t will hire five workers tomorrow. b. The consultant s claim about the new proposal had pleased the manager who will hire five workers tomorrow. (baseline) Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 11/35
18 Reading time: The crucial comparisons (4) CP condition a. The manager who the consultant claimed that the new proposals had pleased t will hire five workers tomorrow. b. The consultant claimed that the new proposals had pleased the manager who will hire five workers tomorrow. (baseline) (5) DP condition a. The manager who the consultant s claim about the new proposal had pleased t will hire five workers tomorrow. b. The consultant s claim about the new proposal had pleased the manager who will hire five workers tomorrow. (baseline) Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 11/35
19 Reading time: The crucial comparisons G (4) CP condition a. The manager who the consultant claimed that the new proposals had pleased t will hire five workers tomorrow. b. The consultant claimed that the new proposals had pleased the manager who will hire five workers tomorrow. (baseline) (5) DP condition a. The manager who the consultant s claim about the new proposal had pleased t will hire five workers tomorrow. b. The consultant s claim about the new proposal had pleased the manager who will hire five workers tomorrow. (baseline) Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 11/35
20 Gibson & Warren (2004): Results Finding Reading time increase between movement structure and baseline was smaller in CP condition than in DP condition Intermediate gap in Spec,CP facilitates processing at gap site No such facilitation in DP condition due to lack of intermediate gap Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 12/35
21 CP and vp? What we know: Gibson & Warren (2004) s results show successive-cyclic movement through Spec,CP Question: Is there successive-cyclic movement through Spec,vP as well? CP only hypothesis Intermediate trace only in Spec,CP CP+vP hypothesis Intermediate trace in both Spec,CP and Spec,vP Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 13/35
22 Intermediate gaps on the CP+vP hypothesis The limits of Gibson & Warren (2004) s results Gibson & Warren (2004) s results are compatible with both CP only and CP+vP hypothesis Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 14/35
23 Intermediate gaps on the CP+vP hypothesis The limits of Gibson & Warren (2004) s results Gibson & Warren (2004) s results are compatible with both CP only and CP+vP hypothesis CP structure: who the manager [ vp t claimed [ CP t that the new proposal had [ vp t pleased t DP structure: who [ DP the manager s claim about the new proposal] had [ vp t pleased t 3 intermediate gaps CP structure; only 1 in DP structure Relative easiness of CP structure follows if no only distance to closest gap matters but also number of intermediate reactivations (e.g., Vasishth & Lewis 2006) Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 14/35
24 Roadmap 1 Successive cyclicity in parsing: Previous evidence 2 3 Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 15/35
25 Expectations CP only hypothesis CPs have facilitatory effect on ultimate gap, vps do not CP+vP hypothesis Both CPs and vps have facilitatory effect Different predictions for structures that contain an additional vp layer but no CP layer Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 16/35
26 Design Extension of Gibson & Warren s experiment with additional TP structure, all compared to no-movement control (6) CP structure The witness who the prosecutor proved [ CP that the bloody footprint had conclusively incriminated t ] admitted the truth. (7) DP structure The witness who [ DP the prosecutor s proof about the bloody footprint] had conclusively incriminated t admitted the truth. (8) TP structure The witness who the prosecutor proved [ TP the bloody footprint to have conclusively incriminated t ] admitted the truth. Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 17/35
27 Movement in the three structures CP structure: who the prosecutor [ vp proved [ CP that the bloody footprint had [ vp conclusively incriminated t DP structure: who [ DP the prosecutor s proof about the bloody footprint] had [ vp conclusively incriminated t TP structure: who the prosecutor [ vp proved [ TP the bloody footprint to have [ vp conclusively incriminated t Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 18/35
28 Movement in the three structures CP structure: who the prosecutor [ vp proved [ CP that the bloody footprint had [ vp conclusively incriminated t DP structure: intermediate gaps: CP only: 1 who [ DP the prosecutor s proof about the bloody footprint] had [ vp conclusively incriminated t TP structure: who the prosecutor [ vp intermediate gaps: CP only: 0 proved [ TP the bloody footprint to have [ vp conclusively incriminated t intermediate gaps: CP only: 0 Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 18/35
29 Movement in the three structures CP structure: who the prosecutor [ vp proved [ CP that the bloody footprint had [ vp conclusively incriminated t DP structure: intermediate gaps: CP+vP: 3 who [ DP the prosecutor s proof about the bloody footprint] had [ vp conclusively incriminated t TP structure: who the prosecutor [ vp intermediate gaps: CP+vP: 1 proved [ TP the bloody footprint to have [ vp conclusively incriminated t CP+vP: 2 Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 18/35
30 Movement in the three structures CP structure: who the prosecutor [ vp proved [ CP that the bloody footprint had [ vp conclusively incriminated t DP structure: intermediate gaps: CP only: 1; CP+vP: 3 who [ DP the prosecutor s proof about the bloody footprint] had [ vp conclusively incriminated t TP structure: who the prosecutor [ vp intermediate gaps: CP only: 0; CP+vP: 1 proved [ TP the bloody footprint to have [ vp conclusively incriminated t CP only: 0; CP+vP: 2 Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 18/35
31 Predictions CP only CP+vP CP structure 1 3 DP structure 0 1 TP structure 0 2 Prediction: Reading time increase: {DP, TP} > CP DP > TP > CP Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 19/35
32 Method 2 x 3 design (crossing movement and structure) 162 participants recruited on MTurk 30 plausibility-controlled items Latin Square 60 filler sentences Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 20/35
33 Results Reading time increase (ms) Gap region Spillover region CP DP TP CP DP TP Gap region increase in TP condition greater than in CP and DP condition (ˆβ =.05, t = 2.2) no difference between CP and DP condition (ˆβ =.00, t =.04) Spillover region increase in DP and TP structures greater than in CP structure (ˆβ =.06, t = 2.1) no difference between DP and TP condition (ˆβ =.02, t =.7) Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 21/35
34 Results vs. predictions Predictions: Reading time increase CP only: {DP, TP} > CP CP+vP: DP > TP > CP Results: Gap region: {CP, DP} > TP Spillover region: CP > {DP, TP} } TP > DP > CP Conclusion Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 22/35
35 Results vs. predictions Predictions: Reading time increase CP only: {DP, TP} > CP CP+vP: DP > TP > CP Results: Gap region: {CP, DP} > TP Spillover region: CP > {DP, TP} } TP > DP > CP Conclusion Filler easiest to retrieve in CP structure successive cyclicity through Spec,CP Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 22/35
36 Results vs. predictions Predictions: Reading time increase CP only: {DP, TP} > CP CP+vP: DP > TP > CP Results: Gap region: {CP, DP} > TP Spillover region: CP > {DP, TP} } TP > DP > CP Conclusion Filler easiest to retrieve in CP structure successive cyclicity through Spec,CP No facilitation in TP structure no successive cyclicity through Spec,vP Evidence for CP only and against CP+vP hypothesis Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 22/35
37 The role of structural distance A remaining question: Why is retrieval of the filler hardest in the TP structure? Answer: This is plausibly due the structural distance between the filler and the trace Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 23/35
38 The role of structural distance TP structure: Movement is cross-clausal particularly hard CP structure: Movement is intra-clausal, thanks to successive cyclicity DP structure: Movement is intra-clausal Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 24/35
39 The role of structural distance TP structure: Movement is cross-clausal particularly hard CP structure: Movement is intra-clausal, thanks to successive cyclicity DP structure: Movement is intra-clausal Upshot Movement in TP structure is cross-clausal only if there is no intermediate gap in Spec,vP Additional evidence for CP only hypothesis Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 24/35
40 Summary Reading time increase: TP > DP > CP Accounted for under CP only hypothesis plus structural distance Intermediate gap in Spec,CP facilitation in CP structure No intermediate gap in Spec,vP no facilitation in TP structure Pattern is not accounted for under CP+vP hypothesis Conclusion Successive cyclicity through Spec,CP but not through Spec,vP Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 25/35
41 Roadmap 1 Successive cyclicity in parsing: Previous evidence 2 3 Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 26/35
42 Wh -expletives In, e.g., Hindi, wh-expletives occur before every verb between a wh-phrase and its scope position: (9) Sita-ne kyaa socaa ki Ravi-ne kis-ko dekhaa? Sita-erg expl think that Ravi-erg who-acc saw Who did Sita think that Ravi saw? Manetta (2010): Connector between phase-internal wh-phrase and scope position Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 27/35
43 Wh -expletives In, e.g., Hindi, wh-expletives occur before every verb between a wh-phrase and its scope position: (9) Sita-ne kyaa socaa ki Ravi-ne kis-ko dekhaa? Sita-erg expl think that Ravi-erg who-acc saw Who did Sita think that Ravi saw? Manetta (2010): Connector between phase-internal wh-phrase and scope position Alternative account: Indirect dependency approach (Dayal 2010) (10) What does Sita think? Who did Ravi see? Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 27/35
44 Reconstruction Fox (1999): Wh-movement in (11) must proceed through via vp to bind the pronoun and obviate Principle C (11) [Which of the books that he 1 asked Ms. Brown 2 for] did every student 1 [ vp! get from her 2 *? Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 28/35
45 Reconstruction Fox (1999): Wh-movement in (11) must proceed through via vp to bind the pronoun and obviate Principle C (11) [Which of the books that he 1 asked Ms. Brown 2 for] did every student 1 [ vp! get from her 2 *? Den Dikken (2006): only pair list reading If every student raises above the wh-moved element (Kiss 1993), no reconstruction whatsoever is necessary (12) [every student] 1 [which of the books that he 1 asked Ms. Brown 2 for] 3 did t 1 get from her 2 t 3 Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 28/35
46 Copy spellout A wh-element is realized in several spots: Spellout of lower copy (13) Wen hat er gesagt wen Maria mag? who has he said who Maria likes Who did he say that Maria likes? (german) Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 29/35
47 Copy spellout A wh-element is realized in several spots: Spellout of lower copy (13) Wen hat er gesagt wen Maria mag? who has he said who Maria likes Who did he say that Maria likes? (german) A curious gap: A standard CP+vP account predicts a much more striking version of this phenomenon: Copy spellout in CPs and vps (14) Who do you who think who that Mary who likes? unattested Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 29/35
48 Conclusion Sentence processing constructs movement dependencies successive-cyclically Evidence for successive cyclicity through Spec,CP Evidence against successive cyclicity through Spec,vP Consistent with working memory motivation for phases Phases are larger than commonly thought C is a phase, v is not At least several of the previous arguments for vp phases do not in fact entail vp phases Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 30/35
49 References I Chomsky, Noam (1973). Conditions on transformations. In: A Festschrift for Morris Halle, ed. by Stephen Anderson & Paul Kiparsky, New York: Academic Press, pp Chomsky, Noam (1977). On wh-movement. In: Formal Syntax, ed. by Peter Culicover, Tom Wasow & Adrian Akmajian, New York: Academic Press, pp Chomsky, Noam (1986). Barriers. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Chomsky, Noam (2000). Minimalist inquiries: The framework. In: Step by Step: Essays in Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik, ed. by Roger Martin, David Michaels & Juan Uriagereka, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, pp Chomsky, Noam (2001). Derivation by phase. In: Ken Hale: A Life in Language, ed. by Michael Kenstowicz, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, pp Chomsky, Noam (2005). Three factors in language design. Linguistic Inquiry 36: Dayal, Veneeta (2010). Scope marking: Cross-linguistic variation in indirect dependency. In: Wh-Scope Marking, ed. by Uli Lutz, Gereon Müller & Arnim von Stechow, Amsterdam: John Benjamins, pp den Dikken, Marcel (2006). A reappraisal of vp being phasal: A reply to Legate, Ms., CUNY. Fox, Danny (1999). Reconstruction, Binding Theory, and the interpretation of chains. Linguistic Inquiry 30: Gibson, Edward (1998). Linguistic complexity: Locality of syntactic dependencies. Cognition 68: Gibson, Edward (2000). The dependency locality theory: A distance-based theory of linguistic complexity. In: Image, Language, Brain, ed. by Alec Marantz, Yasushi Miyashita & Wayne O Neill, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, pp Gibson, Edward & Tessa Warren (2004). Reading-time evidence for intermediate linguistic structure in long-distance dependencies. Syntax 7: Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 31/35
50 References II Gordon, Peter, Randall Hendrick & Marcus Johnson (2001). Memory interference during language processing. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition 27: King, Jonathan & Marcel Adam Just (1991). Individual differences in syntactic processing: The role of working memory. Journal of Memory and Language 30: Kiss, Katalin É. (1993). Wh-movement and specificity. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 11: Lewis, Richard & Shravan Vasishth (2005). An activation-based model of sentence processing as skilled memory retrieval. Cognitive Science 29: Manetta, Emily (2010). Wh-expletives in Hindi-Urdu: The vp phase. Linguistic Inquiry 41: Vasishth, Shravan & Richard Lewis (2006). Argument head distance and processing complexity: Explaining both locality and antilocality effects. Language 82: Warren, Tessa & Edward Gibson (2002). The influence of referential processing on sentence complexity. Cognition 85: Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 32/35
51 Appendix 1: Stimuli ( = gap region; = spillover region) (15) CP structure The witness who the prosecutor proved [ CP that the bloody footprint had conclusively incriminated t ] admitted the truth. control: The prosecutor proved that the bloody footprint had conclusively incriminated the witness who admitted the truth. (16) DP structure The witness who [ DP the prosecutor s proof about the bloody footprint] had conclusively incriminated t admitted the truth. control: The prosecutor s proof about the bloody footprint had conclusively incriminated the witness who admitted the truth. (17) TP structure The witness who the prosecutor proved [ TP the bloody footprint to have conclusively incriminated t ] admitted the truth. control: The prosecutor proved the bloody footprint to have conclusively incriminated the witness who admitted the truth. Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 33/35
52 Appendix 2: Complete reading times 200 Clause type [ move] [+move] Residual reading times (ms) CP DP TP The witness who the prosecutor proved/ the prosecutor's proof (that)/ (about) the bloody footprint had/ to have conclusively incriminated admitted the truth Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 34/35
53 Appendix 3: Linear and structural distance CP structure: who the prosecutor [ vp proved [ CP that the bloody footprint had [ vp conclusively incriminated t linear distance: small; structural distance: small fastest DP structure: who [ DP the prosecutor s proof about the bloody footprint] had [ vp conclusively incriminated t linear distance: large; structural distance: small slower TP structure: who the prosecutor [ vp proved [ TP the bloody footprint to have [ vp conclusively incriminated t linear distance: large; structural distance: large slowest Stefan Keine Locality domains in syntax 35/35
SOME MINIMAL NOTES ON MINIMALISM *
In Linguistic Society of Hong Kong Newsletter 36, 7-10. (2000) SOME MINIMAL NOTES ON MINIMALISM * Sze-Wing Tang The Hong Kong Polytechnic University 1 Introduction Based on the framework outlined in chapter
Korean ECM Constructions and Cyclic Linearization
Korean ECM Constructions and Cyclic Linearization DONGWOO PARK University of Maryland, College Park 1 Introduction One of the peculiar properties of the Korean Exceptional Case Marking (ECM) constructions
Agree or Move? On Partial Control Anna Snarska, Adam Mickiewicz University
PLM, 14 September 2007 Agree or Move? On Partial Control Anna Snarska, Adam Mickiewicz University 1. Introduction While in the history of generative grammar the distinction between Obligatory Control (OC)
German Superiority *
In Werner Abraham and Kleanthes K. Grohmann, eds. 1997. Groninger Arbeiten zur germanistischen Linguistik 40, 97-107. German Superiority * Kleanthes K. Grohmann University of Maryland 1 Multiple Interrogatives:
Intervention in Tough Constructions * Jeremy Hartman. Massachusetts Institute of Technology
To appear in Proceedings of NELS 39 Intervention in Tough Constructions * Jeremy Hartman Massachusetts Institute of Technology 1. Introduction The alternation in (1) poses several well-known questions
Theoretical Syntax Winter Answers to practice problems
Linguistics 325 Sturman Theoretical Syntax Winter 2017 Answers to practice problems 1. Draw trees for the following English sentences. a. I have not been running in the mornings. 1 b. Joel frequently sings
When a Complement PP Goes Missing: A Study on the Licensing Condition of Swiping
When a Complement PP Goes Missing: A Study on the Licensing Condition of Swiping Chizuru Nakao 1, Hajime Ono 1,2, and Masaya Yoshida 1 1 University of Maryland, College Park and 2 Hiroshima University
Multiple case assignment and the English pseudo-passive *
Multiple case assignment and the English pseudo-passive * Norvin Richards Massachusetts Institute of Technology Previous literature on pseudo-passives (see van Riemsdijk 1978, Chomsky 1981, Hornstein &
Constraining X-Bar: Theta Theory
Constraining X-Bar: Theta Theory Carnie, 2013, chapter 8 Kofi K. Saah 1 Learning objectives Distinguish between thematic relation and theta role. Identify the thematic relations agent, theme, goal, source,
The Inclusiveness Condition in Survive-minimalism
The Inclusiveness Condition in Survive-minimalism Minoru Fukuda Miyazaki Municipal University fukuda@miyazaki-mu.ac.jp March 2013 1. Introduction Given a phonetic form (PF) representation! and a logical
Approaches to control phenomena handout Obligatory control and morphological case: Icelandic and Basque
Approaches to control phenomena handout 6 5.4 Obligatory control and morphological case: Icelandic and Basque Icelandinc quirky case (displaying properties of both structural and inherent case: lexically
Argument structure and theta roles
Argument structure and theta roles Introduction to Syntax, EGG Summer School 2017 András Bárány ab155@soas.ac.uk 26 July 2017 Overview Where we left off Arguments and theta roles Some consequences of theta
An Introduction to the Minimalist Program
An Introduction to the Minimalist Program Luke Smith University of Arizona Summer 2016 Some findings of traditional syntax Human languages vary greatly, but digging deeper, they all have distinct commonalities:
1/20 idea. We ll spend an extra hour on 1/21. based on assigned readings. so you ll be ready to discuss them in class
If we cancel class 1/20 idea We ll spend an extra hour on 1/21 I ll give you a brief writing problem for 1/21 based on assigned readings Jot down your thoughts based on your reading so you ll be ready
Hindi-Urdu Phrase Structure Annotation
Hindi-Urdu Phrase Structure Annotation Rajesh Bhatt and Owen Rambow January 12, 2009 1 Design Principle: Minimal Commitments Binary Branching Representations. Mostly lexical projections (P,, AP, AdvP)
Pseudo-Passives as Adjectival Passives
Pseudo-Passives as Adjectival Passives Kwang-sup Kim Hankuk University of Foreign Studies English Department 81 Oedae-lo Cheoin-Gu Yongin-City 449-791 Republic of Korea kwangsup@hufs.ac.kr Abstract The
Minimalism is the name of the predominant approach in generative linguistics today. It was first
Minimalism Minimalism is the name of the predominant approach in generative linguistics today. It was first introduced by Chomsky in his work The Minimalist Program (1995) and has seen several developments
The presence of interpretable but ungrammatical sentences corresponds to mismatches between interpretive and productive parsing.
Lecture 4: OT Syntax Sources: Kager 1999, Section 8; Legendre et al. 1998; Grimshaw 1997; Barbosa et al. 1998, Introduction; Bresnan 1998; Fanselow et al. 1999; Gibson & Broihier 1998. OT is not a theory
The Structure of Relative Clauses in Maay Maay By Elly Zimmer
I Introduction A. Goals of this study The Structure of Relative Clauses in Maay Maay By Elly Zimmer 1. Provide a basic documentation of Maay Maay relative clauses First time this structure has ever been
Som and Optimality Theory
Som and Optimality Theory This article argues that the difference between English and Norwegian with respect to the presence of a complementizer in embedded subject questions is attributable to a larger
Passamaquoddy as a Split Ergative Language and Its Consequences for Marantz s Ergative Case Generalization
Passamaquoddy as a Split Ergative Language and Its Consequences for Marantz s Ergative Case Generalization Benjamin Bruening very rough draft, December 18, 2007 Abstract Although the Algonquian literature
Introduction to HPSG. Introduction. Historical Overview. The HPSG architecture. Signature. Linguistic Objects. Descriptions.
to as a linguistic theory to to a member of the family of linguistic frameworks that are called generative grammars a grammar which is formalized to a high degree and thus makes exact predictions about
Basic Syntax. Doug Arnold We review some basic grammatical ideas and terminology, and look at some common constructions in English.
Basic Syntax Doug Arnold doug@essex.ac.uk We review some basic grammatical ideas and terminology, and look at some common constructions in English. 1 Categories 1.1 Word level (lexical and functional)
Case government vs Case agreement: modelling Modern Greek case attraction phenomena in LFG
Case government vs Case agreement: modelling Modern Greek case attraction phenomena in LFG Dr. Kakia Chatsiou, University of Essex achats at essex.ac.uk Explorations in Syntactic Government and Subcategorisation,
Inleiding Taalkunde. Docent: Paola Monachesi. Blok 4, 2001/ Syntax 2. 2 Phrases and constituent structure 2. 3 A minigrammar of Italian 3
Inleiding Taalkunde Docent: Paola Monachesi Blok 4, 2001/2002 Contents 1 Syntax 2 2 Phrases and constituent structure 2 3 A minigrammar of Italian 3 4 Trees 3 5 Developing an Italian lexicon 4 6 S(emantic)-selection
CAS LX 522 Syntax I. Long-distance wh-movement. Long distance wh-movement. Islands. Islands. Locality. NP Sea. NP Sea
19 CAS LX 522 Syntax I wh-movement and locality (9.1-9.3) Long-distance wh-movement What did Hurley say [ CP he was writing ]? This is a question: The highest C has a [Q] (=[clause-type:q]) feature and
Word Formation is Syntactic: Raising in Nominalizations
Word Formation is Syntactic: Raising in Nominalizations Benjamin Bruening (University of Delaware) rough draft, January 7, 2017; comments welcome Abstract According to Chomsky (1970), raising to subject
UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Head Movement in Narrow Syntax Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3fg4273b Author O'Flynn, Kathleen Chase Publication Date 2016-01-01 Peer reviewed
LIN 6520 Syntax 2 T 5-6, Th 6 CBD 234
LIN 6520 Syntax 2 T 5-6, Th 6 CBD 234 Eric Potsdam office: 4121 Turlington Hall office phone: 294-7456 office hours: T 7, W 3-4, and by appointment e-mail: potsdam@ufl.edu Course Description This course
linguist 752 UMass Amherst 8 February 2017
Ordóñez 1998: Post-Verbal Assymetries in Spanish (nllt, 1998) linguist 752 UMass Amherst 8 February 2017 Overview The problem: It is assumed that the base word order of Spanish is svo, but it also allows
On Labeling: Principle C and Head Movement
Syntax 2010 DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-9612.2010.00140.x On Labeling: Principle C and Head Movement Carlo Cecchetto and Caterina Donati Abstract. In this paper, we critically reexamine the two algorithms that
The Structure of Multiple Complements to V
The Structure of Multiple Complements to Mitsuaki YONEYAMA 1. Introduction I have recently been concerned with the syntactic and semantic behavior of two s in English. In this paper, I will examine the
Focusing bound pronouns
Natural Language Semantics manuscript No. (will be inserted by the editor) Focusing bound pronouns Clemens Mayr Received: date / Accepted: date Abstract The presence of contrastive focus on pronouns interpreted
The Strong Minimalist Thesis and Bounded Optimality
The Strong Minimalist Thesis and Bounded Optimality DRAFT-IN-PROGRESS; SEND COMMENTS TO RICKL@UMICH.EDU Richard L. Lewis Department of Psychology University of Michigan 27 March 2010 1 Purpose of this
THE ACQUISITION OF ARGUMENT ELLIPSIS IN JAPANESE: A PRELIMINARY STUDY* Koji Sugisaki Mie University
THE ACQUISITION OF ARGUMENT ELLIPSIS IN JAPANESE: A PRELIMINARY STUDY* Koji Sugisaki Mie University 1. Introduction Japanese is a language that allows productive use of null arguments in finite clauses.
A Minimalist Approach to Code-Switching. In the field of linguistics, the topic of bilingualism is a broad one. There are many
Schmidt 1 Eric Schmidt Prof. Suzanne Flynn Linguistic Study of Bilingualism December 13, 2013 A Minimalist Approach to Code-Switching In the field of linguistics, the topic of bilingualism is a broad one.
Natural Language Processing. George Konidaris
Natural Language Processing George Konidaris gdk@cs.brown.edu Fall 2017 Natural Language Processing Understanding spoken/written sentences in a natural language. Major area of research in AI. Why? Humans
Derivations (MP) and Evaluations (OT) *
Derivations (MP) and Evaluations (OT) * Leiden University (LUCL) The main claim of this paper is that the minimalist framework and optimality theory adopt more or less the same architecture of grammar:
Control and Boundedness
Control and Boundedness Having eliminated rules, we would expect constructions to follow from the lexical categories (of heads and specifiers of syntactic constructions) alone. Combinatory syntax simply
In Udmurt (Uralic, Russia) possessors bear genitive case except in accusative DPs where they receive ablative case.
Sören E. Worbs The University of Leipzig Modul 04-046-2015 soeren.e.worbs@gmail.de November 22, 2016 Case stacking below the surface: On the possessor case alternation in Udmurt (Assmann et al. 2014) 1
Is there any evidence for punctuated paths? Mittwoch/Wednesday: 14:30
AG 7 Klaus Abels and Kristine Bentzen UCL and University of Tromsø Is there any evidence for punctuated paths? Mittwoch/Wednesday: 14:30 The paths of long distance dependencies are construed in different
FOCUS MARKING IN GREEK: SYNTAX OR PHONOLOGY? Michalis Georgiafentis University of Athens
FOCUS MARKING IN GREEK: SYNTAX OR PHONOLOGY? Michalis Georgiafentis University of Athens michgeo@enl.uoa.gr Abstract The goal of this paper is to determine the ways in which syntax and phonology are involved
Underlying and Surface Grammatical Relations in Greek consider
0 Underlying and Surface Grammatical Relations in Greek consider Sentences Brian D. Joseph The Ohio State University Abbreviated Title Grammatical Relations in Greek consider Sentences Brian D. Joseph
Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission.
Reconstruction and the Structure of VP: Some Theoretical Consequences Author(s): C.-T. James Huang Source: Linguistic Inquiry, Vol. 24, No. 1 (Winter, 1993), pp. 103-138 Published by: The MIT Press Stable
Proof Theory for Syntacticians
Department of Linguistics Ohio State University Syntax 2 (Linguistics 602.02) January 5, 2012 Logics for Linguistics Many different kinds of logic are directly applicable to formalizing theories in syntax
The subject of adjectives: Syntactic position and semantic interpretation
The subject of adjectives: Syntactic position and semantic interpretation Aya Meltzer-ASSCHER Abstract It is widely accepted that subjects of verbs are base-generated within the (extended) verbal projection.
Beyond constructions:
2 nd NTU Workshop on Discourse and Grammar in Formosan Languages National Taiwan University, 1 June 2013 Beyond constructions: Takivatan Bunun predicate-argument structure, grammatical coherence, and the
On the Notion Determiner
On the Notion Determiner Frank Van Eynde University of Leuven Proceedings of the 10th International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Michigan State University Stefan Müller (Editor) 2003
Subjectless Sentences and TP-ellipsis. Chi-ming Louis Liu
Volume 9, 2017, 125-155 Subjectless Sentences and TP-ellipsis Chi-ming Louis Liu Abstract. Mandarin Chinese is reported to drop arguments relatively freely. During the past thirty years, a lot of attention
5 Minimalism and Optimality Theory
5 Minimalism and Optimality Theory Hans Broekhuis and Ellen Woolford 5.1 Introduction This chapter discusses the relation between the Minimalist Program (MP) and Optimality Theory (OT) and will show that,
THE FU CTIO OF ACCUSATIVE CASE I MO GOLIA *
THE FU CTIO OF ACCUSATIVE CASE I MO GOLIA * DOLGOR GUNTSETSEG University of Stuttgart 1xxIntroduction This paper deals with a puzzle relating to the accusative case marker -(i)g in Mongolian and its function,
Linguistics. Undergraduate. Departmental Honors. Graduate. Faculty. Linguistics 1
Linguistics 1 Linguistics Matthew Gordon, Chair Interdepartmental Program in the College of Arts and Science 223 Tate Hall (573) 882-6421 gordonmj@missouri.edu Kibby Smith, Advisor Office of Multidisciplinary
LONG-DISTANCE WH-MOVEMENT IN CHAMORRO
UCLA Working Papers in Linguistics, no. 12, September 2005 Proceedings of AFLA XII, Heinz & Ntelitheos (eds.) LONG-DISTANCE WH-MOVEMENT IN CHAMORRO AARON F. KAPLAN University of California, Santa Cruz
LANGUAGE IN INDIA Strength for Today and Bright Hope for Tomorrow Volume 11 : 12 December 2011 ISSN
LANGUAGE IN INDIA Strength for Today and Bright Hope for Tomorrow Volume ISSN 1930-2940 Managing Editor: M. S. Thirumalai, Ph.D. Editors: B. Mallikarjun, Ph.D. Sam Mohanlal, Ph.D. B. A. Sharada, Ph.D.
Tagged for Deletion: A Typological Approach to VP Ellipsis in Tag Questions
Tagged for Deletion: A Typological Approach to VP Ellipsis in Tag Questions Craig Sailor cwsailor@ucla.edu UCLA Master s thesis 14 October 2009 Note to the reader: Apart from a few organizational and typographical
Universität Duisburg-Essen
Keriman Kırkıcı The Acquisition of the Pro-Drop Parameter in Turkish as a Second Language Series A: General & Theoretical Papers ISSN 1435-6473 Essen: LAUD 2008 Paper No. 722 Universität Duisburg-Essen
The optimal placement of up and ab A comparison 1
The optimal placement of up and ab A comparison 1 Nicole Dehé Humboldt-University, Berlin December 2002 1 Introduction This paper presents an optimality theoretic approach to the transitive particle verb
Developing a TT-MCTAG for German with an RCG-based Parser
Developing a TT-MCTAG for German with an RCG-based Parser Laura Kallmeyer, Timm Lichte, Wolfgang Maier, Yannick Parmentier, Johannes Dellert University of Tübingen, Germany CNRS-LORIA, France LREC 2008,
Roadmap to College: Highly Selective Schools
Roadmap to College: Highly Selective Schools COLLEGE Presented by: Loren Newsom Understanding Selectivity First - What is selectivity? When a college is selective, that means it uses an application process
Sluicing and Stranding
Sluicing and Stranding Joanna Nykiel (U. of Silesia) Ivan A. Sag (Stanford U.) This paper discusses the cross-linguistic inaccuracy of Merchant s (2001,2004,2008,to appear) claim that the possibility of
Context Free Grammars. Many slides from Michael Collins
Context Free Grammars Many slides from Michael Collins Overview I An introduction to the parsing problem I Context free grammars I A brief(!) sketch of the syntax of English I Examples of ambiguous structures
Language acquisition: acquiring some aspects of syntax.
Language acquisition: acquiring some aspects of syntax. Anne Christophe and Jeff Lidz Laboratoire de Sciences Cognitives et Psycholinguistique Language: a productive system the unit of meaning is the word
CS 598 Natural Language Processing
CS 598 Natural Language Processing Natural language is everywhere Natural language is everywhere Natural language is everywhere Natural language is everywhere!"#$%&'&()*+,-./012 34*5665756638/9:;< =>?@ABCDEFGHIJ5KL@
Prediction of Maximal Projection for Semantic Role Labeling
Prediction of Maximal Projection for Semantic Role Labeling Weiwei Sun, Zhifang Sui Institute of Computational Linguistics Peking University Beijing, 100871, China {ws, szf}@pku.edu.cn Haifeng Wang Toshiba
ELD CELDT 5 EDGE Level C Curriculum Guide LANGUAGE DEVELOPMENT VOCABULARY COMMON WRITING PROJECT. ToolKit
Unit 1 Language Development Express Ideas and Opinions Ask for and Give Information Engage in Discussion ELD CELDT 5 EDGE Level C Curriculum Guide 20132014 Sentences Reflective Essay August 12 th September
Processing as a Source of Accessibility Effects on Variation
Processing as a Source of Accessibility Effects on Variation T. FLORIAN JAEGER & THOMAS WASOW Stanford University 0 Introduction English restrictive non-subject-extracted relative clauses (i.e. relative
The Syntax of Coordinate Structure Complexes
The Syntax of Coordinate Structure Complexes Nicholas Winter April 22, 2016 Abstract Multiple Coordinate Complexes, coordinate structures consisting of three conjuncts one coordinator, are interpretively
Which verb classes and why? Research questions: Semantic Basis Hypothesis (SBH) What verb classes? Why the truth of the SBH matters
Which verb classes and why? ean-pierre Koenig, Gail Mauner, Anthony Davis, and reton ienvenue University at uffalo and Streamsage, Inc. Research questions: Participant roles play a role in the syntactic
Construction Grammar. University of Jena.
Construction Grammar Holger Diessel University of Jena holger.diessel@uni-jena.de http://www.holger-diessel.de/ Words seem to have a prototype structure; but language does not only consist of words. What
A content-addressable pointer mechanism underlies comprehension of verb-phrase ellipsis q
Available online at www.sciencedirect.com Journal of Memory and Language 58 (2008) 879 906 Journal of Memory and Language www.elsevier.com/locate/jml A content-addressable pointer mechanism underlies comprehension
AN EXPERIMENTAL APPROACH TO NEW AND OLD INFORMATION IN TURKISH LOCATIVES AND EXISTENTIALS
AN EXPERIMENTAL APPROACH TO NEW AND OLD INFORMATION IN TURKISH LOCATIVES AND EXISTENTIALS Engin ARIK 1, Pınar ÖZTOP 2, and Esen BÜYÜKSÖKMEN 1 Doguş University, 2 Plymouth University enginarik@enginarik.com
Derivational: Inflectional: In a fit of rage the soldiers attacked them both that week, but lost the fight.
Final Exam (120 points) Click on the yellow balloons below to see the answers I. Short Answer (32pts) 1. (6) The sentence The kinder teachers made sure that the students comprehended the testable material
Derivational and Inflectional Morphemes in Pak-Pak Language
Derivational and Inflectional Morphemes in Pak-Pak Language Agustina Situmorang and Tima Mariany Arifin ABSTRACT The objectives of this study are to find out the derivational and inflectional morphemes
Grammars & Parsing, Part 1:
Grammars & Parsing, Part 1: Rules, representations, and transformations- oh my! Sentence VP The teacher Verb gave the lecture 2015-02-12 CS 562/662: Natural Language Processing Game plan for today: Review
Citation for published version (APA): Veenstra, M. J. A. (1998). Formalizing the minimalist program Groningen: s.n.
University of Groningen Formalizing the minimalist program Veenstra, Mettina Jolanda Arnoldina IMPORTANT NOTE: You are advised to consult the publisher's version (publisher's PDF if you wish to cite from
ENGBG1 ENGBL1 Campus Linguistics. Meeting 2. Chapter 7 (Morphology) and chapter 9 (Syntax) Pia Sundqvist
Meeting 2 Chapter 7 (Morphology) and chapter 9 (Syntax) Today s agenda Repetition of meeting 1 Mini-lecture on morphology Seminar on chapter 7, worksheet Mini-lecture on syntax Seminar on chapter 9, worksheet
Universal Grammar 2. Universal Grammar 1. Forms and functions 1. Universal Grammar 3. Conceptual and surface structure of complex clauses
Universal Grammar 1 evidence : 1. crosslinguistic investigation of properties of languages 2. evidence from language acquisition 3. general cognitive abilities 1. Properties can be reflected in a.) structural
THE ACQUISITION OF INFLECTIONAL MORPHEMES: THE PRIORITY OF PLURAL S
THE ACQUISITION OF INFLECTIONAL MORPHEMES: THE PRIORITY OF PLURAL S *Ali Morshedi Tonekaboni 1 and Ramin Rahimy 2 1 Department of English Language, Islamic Azad University of Tonekabon, Iran 2 Department
Update on Soar-based language processing
Update on Soar-based language processing Deryle Lonsdale (and the rest of the BYU NL-Soar Research Group) BYU Linguistics lonz@byu.edu Soar 2006 1 NL-Soar Soar 2006 2 NL-Soar developments Discourse/robotic
A Usage-Based Approach to Recursion in Sentence Processing
Language Learning ISSN 0023-8333 A in Sentence Processing Morten H. Christiansen Cornell University Maryellen C. MacDonald University of Wisconsin-Madison Most current approaches to linguistic structure
The Effect of Discourse Markers on the Speaking Production of EFL Students. Iman Moradimanesh
The Effect of Discourse Markers on the Speaking Production of EFL Students Iman Moradimanesh Abstract The research aimed at investigating the relationship between discourse markers (DMs) and a special
Optimality Theory and the Minimalist Program
Optimality Theory and the Minimalist Program Vieri Samek-Lodovici Italian Department University College London 1 Introduction The Minimalist Program (Chomsky 1995, 2000) and Optimality Theory (Prince and
Syntactic Agreement. Roberta D Alessandro 18 November 2015
Syntactic Agreement Roberta D Alessandro 18 November 2015 1 Syntactic vs Morphological agr. Syntactic vs morphological agreement Do we need morphology to know that Agree has taken place? (1) Jij loopt
RADICAL ARGUMENT DROP VIEWED THROUGH PARAMETRIC VARIATION. Tomohiro Fujii. Yokohama National University
RADICAL ARGUMENT DROP VIEWED THROUGH PARAMETRIC VARIATION Tomohiro Fujii Yokohama National University Parametric Variation: Null Subjects in Minimalist Theory by Theresa Biberauer, Anders
Second Language Acquisition in Adults: From Research to Practice
Second Language Acquisition in Adults: From Research to Practice Donna Moss, National Center for ESL Literacy Education Lauren Ross-Feldman, Georgetown University Second language acquisition (SLA) is the
Backward Raising. Eric Potsdam and Maria Polinsky. automatically qualify as covert movement. We exclude such operations from consideration here.
Syntax 15:1, March 2012, 75 108 DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-9612.2011.00158.x Backward Raising Eric Potsdam and Maria Polinsky Abstract. This paper documents and analyzes an instance of covert A-movement, specifically
An Interactive Intelligent Language Tutor Over The Internet
An Interactive Intelligent Language Tutor Over The Internet Trude Heift Linguistics Department and Language Learning Centre Simon Fraser University, B.C. Canada V5A1S6 E-mail: heift@sfu.ca Abstract: This
Minding the Absent: Arguments for the Full Competence Hypothesis 1. Abstract
To appear in Language Acquisition Minding the Absent: Arguments for the Full Competence Hypothesis 1 Hagit Borer University of Southern California Bernhard Rohrbacher U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9 th
Review in ICAME Journal, Volume 38, 2014, DOI: /icame
Review in ICAME Journal, Volume 38, 2014, DOI: 10.2478/icame-2014-0012 Gaëtanelle Gilquin and Sylvie De Cock (eds.). Errors and disfluencies in spoken corpora. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 2013. 172 pp.
Syllabus: Introduction to Philosophy
Syllabus: Introduction to Philosophy Course number: PHI 2010 Meeting Times: Tuesdays and Thursdays days from 11:30-2:50 p.m. Location: Building 1, Room 115 Instructor: William Butchard, Ph.D. Email: Please
The semantics of case *
The semantics of case * ANNABEL CORMACK 1 Introduction As it is currently understood within P&P theory, the Case module appears to be a purely syntactic condition, contributing to regulating the syntactic
Creating Travel Advice
Creating Travel Advice Classroom at a Glance Teacher: Language: Grade: 11 School: Fran Pettigrew Spanish III Lesson Date: March 20 Class Size: 30 Schedule: McLean High School, McLean, Virginia Block schedule,
EAGLE: an Error-Annotated Corpus of Beginning Learner German
EAGLE: an Error-Annotated Corpus of Beginning Learner German Adriane Boyd Department of Linguistics The Ohio State University adriane@ling.osu.edu Abstract This paper describes the Error-Annotated German
(CSD) such as the naturally occurring sentences in (2), which compare the relative
Comparative (Sub)deletion and Ranked, Violable Constraints in Syntax Christopher Kennedy Northwestern University 0. Introduction This paper investigates the syntax of comparative deletion and comparative
...WE CAN DO BETTER TIN-dag 2012, February 4, 2012
1 Ora Matushansky & E.G. Ruys, (CNRS/Université Paris-8) UiL OTS/Utrecht University...WE CAN DO BETTER TIN-dag 2012, February 4, 2012 Much converging research: various kinds of expressions in the scope
Applications of memory-based natural language processing
Applications of memory-based natural language processing Antal van den Bosch and Roser Morante ILK Research Group Tilburg University Prague, June 24, 2007 Current ILK members Principal investigator: Antal
A is an inde nite nominal pro-form that takes antecedents. ere have
One-Anaphora is not Ellipsis * Draft Please do not cite. University of Masschuse s Amherst September A is an inde nite nominal pro-form that takes antecedents. ere have been at least two references to
Possessive have and (have) got in New Zealand English Heidi Quinn, University of Canterbury, New Zealand
1 Introduction Possessive have and (have) got in New Zealand English Heidi Quinn, University of Canterbury, New Zealand heidi.quinn@canterbury.ac.nz NWAV 33, Ann Arbor 1 October 24 This paper looks at
Interpretive (seeing) Interpersonal (speaking and short phrases)
Subject Spanish Grammar Lesson Length 50 minutes Linguistic Level Beginning Spanish 1 Topic Descriptive personal characteristics using the verb ser Students will be able to identify the appropriate situations
Ryerson University Sociology SOC 483: Advanced Research and Statistics
Ryerson University Sociology SOC 483: Advanced Research and Statistics Prerequisites: SOC 481 Instructor: Paul S. Moore E-mail: psmoore@ryerson.ca Office: Sociology Department Jorgenson JOR 306 Phone: