Formality or Rapport: Speech Style Shifts in Japanese Television and Radio

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1 Formaliy or Rappor: Speech Syle Shifs in Japanese Television and Radio Absrac Lidia Tanaka La Trobe Universiy, Vicoria Speech syle in many languages no only reveals he degree of formaliy of an ineracion bu also encodes he social relaionships beween he speakers. In Japanese, choice of speech syle is obligaory and is mainained hroughou an ineracion. However, occasional syle shifs can be observed even hough every facor remains unchanged. These shifs have been aribued o psychological reasons (Ikua, 1983; Makino, 1983), o awareness of hou (Maynard, 1991) and o he consrucion of role ideniy (Cook, 2006). However, i is no known why hese shifs occur in some ineracions and no in ohers. Similarly, lile aemp has been made o differeniae formal and informal seings even hough i is quie clear ha some syle shifs are riggered by very differen reasons. This paper argues ha shifs in formal ineracions should be considered as differen from hose in informal ones, no only because hey are inrinsically more face hreaening bu because hey are more direcly relaed o social facors. Through a funcional analysis of syle shifs from polie o informal syle in elevision and radio discourse wo ypes of shifs were idenified. Shifs riggered by psychological reasons funcion as ineracional ools and occur only when social condiions of he paricipans are me. In conras, hose riggered by he synacic and discourse srucure are used o enrich he narraive and are more commonly used. These resuls sugges ha hese wo ypes of speech syle shifs have o be considered as wo differen phenomena. Keywords: Japanese, elevision and radio, speech syle shif, formal ineracions Inroducion Wha is known as speech syle or he use of paricular synacic forms, lexical and pronominal iems indicaes no only he degree of formaliy bu also he ype of relaionship beween inerlocuors and heir social disance (Brown and Gilman; 1972). This social disance is deermined by he age and saus difference beween inerlocuors. In heir seminal work sudy of personal pronouns, Brown and Gilman (1972) describe how he choice of personal pronouns among speakers of many languages such as German, French or Spanish can index saus or power differences and degree of formaliy. Therefore, he correc choice of speech syle is of umos imporance in any social ineracion, as failing o do so could incur social consequences. Naurally, his aspec is no exclusive o languages ha have he T/V pronominal sysem. In Japanese wo speech syles he polie, formal or masu, form and he plain, informal or da form index no only he degree of formaliy bu also he social and psychological disance beween inerlocuors. The more powerful speaker uses he plain form owards inferior or younger speakers while hese laer groups mus use he polie form in reurn. Polie forms are also used when he relaionship beween speakers has no ye been esablished, such as among srangers or when speakers are equal bu wan o mainain a disan relaionship. Conversely, he use of he plain form among family members and very close friends indicaes no only an informal relaionship bu also solidariy. When speakers feel close enough, a change from he polie o he informal syle occurs. Despie he fac ha every facor in a conversaion remains unchanged, speech-syle shifs have been observed in formal and informal spoken ineracions as well as in wrien Japanese (Cook, 2002, 2006; Ikua, 1983; Makino, 1983, 2002; Maynard, 1991, 2001). These shifs have been explored by LSC-2008 Page 127

2 some scholars using a variey of approaches who argue ha shifs are consciously and sraegically used for differen purposes (Hasegawa, 2006; Ikua, 1983; Makino, 1983; Maynard, 1991, 2001). However, hree major problems have no ye being addressed: he disincion beween spoken and wrien discourse, he disincion beween formal and informal seings and he reason why shifs occur in some ineracions and no in ohers. I seems ha, so far, no serious aemps have been made o differeniae formal and informal siuaions, and wrien and spoken language. This poses a problem because wrien daa should be reaed separaely, as social facors do no affec he oucome in he same way ha hey do in spoken ineracion. Similarly, formal and informal daa should be considered separaely, because shifs from polie o plain and hose from plain o polie are, wih he excepion of quoaions, fundamenally differen. In informal ineracions Face Threaening Acs (FTAs) do no carry he same weigh as in formal or public seings. Formal siuaions are inrinsically more difficul for speakers, because of he difficuly in managing no only syles bu also he use of Japanese honorifics. Commiing an FTA in a public ineracion, in paricular in a broadcas even, migh bring heavier sancions han in a privae conversaion. Likewise, lile is known why hese shifs occur in some ineracions and no in ohers. The lieraure suggess ha shifs are used sraegically herefore we can infer ha shifs in formal ineracions would be chosen for very differen purposes o hose in an informal one. This leads o he following research quesions. Why do speech syle shifs occur in some formal ineracions and no in ohers? Wha are he facors ha deermine speech syle shif in formal ineracions? Are hey only riggered by psychological facors? Are occasional speech shif syles governed by social facors a all? How do we consider he social facors when shifs occur? Undersanding speech syle shifs will conribue o he debae beween polieness heories ha see he choice of appropriae syles as eiher voliional (Brown and Levinson, 1978) or he resul of speakers using discernmen (Ide, 1989; Masumoo, 1988). I will also conribue o he eaching of he language iself, as i is emphasized ha polie and plain forms mus be kep separae. Sudens, Japanese and foreign, are warned agains mixing syles regardless of he way in which language is really used, despie he fac ha shif syles are commonly used. This sudy looks a syle shifs from polie o plain in formal elevision and radio discourse hrough a funcional approach. The speech syle shifs from polie o informal seem o be riggered by wo differen moives. One ype of shif is clearly narraive and discourse based, while he second is riggered by psychological facors. Therefore, he occurrence of he firs ype is no bound by social facors while he laer is direcly relaed o hem. This is an indicaion ha no all speech syle shifs should be reaed as he same phenomenon bu as wo disinc sraegies. Background, Polieness heories Choice of speech syle is inerwined wih polieness. Researchers looking a polieness have ried o explain how people of differen languages use linguisic sraegies o mainain a harmonious relaionship. Brown and Levinson (1978) are he pioneers who based heir universal heory of polieness on he concep of face. They explained ha speakers can minimize FTAs by using posiive or negaive polieness sraegies based on he social disance and relaive power of he inerlocuors. Since his heory was published many scholars have criiqued i (Eelen, 2001; Was, Ide and Ehlich, 2005) however, he focus in his sudy will be only on sudies relaed o Japanese polieness. Brown and Levinson have been criicized by some scholars (Ide, 1989; Masumoo, 1988) who have argued ha heir heory does no accoun for some Asian socieies where he use of paricular linguisic forms ha index social disance is no an opion bu are obligaory. Ide argued ha Japanese speakers had o follow socio-culural rules or wha she referred o as discernmen. Thus, he use of honorifics or formal speech syle is no a choice based on mainaining face, bu ha of eiquee or discernmen. Masumoo (1988) also argued ha Japanese mus choose a syle even for a simple greeing based on who he lisener is and wha kind of relaionship exiss beween hem. Therefore, shifing syles is a sraegic move. Oher scholars argue for Brown and Levinson s heory as being a more encompassing approach. They wrie ha he conceps of negaive and polieness aspecs of face are consisen wih Asian languages (Fukada and Asao, 2004, Pizziconi, 2003) and he heory can beer explain discourse behaviour in Japanese (Usami, 2002). LSC-2008 Page 128

3 The nex secion of his paper explains he deails of formal and informal syles in Japanese and is designed for readers unfamiliar wih he language. Formal and informal speech syles: Japanese sociey and hierarchy Speech syle in Japanese is manifesed grammaically and semanically. Polie and plain syles have differen verbal, nominal and adjecival endings and hese are disincly used o signal saus and he naure of inerpersonal relaionships. The polie form, known also as he desu/masu syle, is used in formal siuaions among people who do no know each oher well and i indexes social disance and formaliy. I also is used owards one s senior in age or saus or meue. The plain form, or da syle, on he oher hand, expresses familiariy, inimacy and solidariy and is used among family members, friends and owards people of lower saus or meshia in informal seings. The same concepual saemens can be expressed in various ways, as in he examples below. The segmens indicaed in bold show where polie and plain syles are encoded. They are arranged by degree of formaliy. i) suekina baggu de gozaimasu ne. dochira de okaininarimashia ka. ii) suekina baggu desu ne. dochira de kaimashia ka. iii) suekina baggu da ne. doko de kaa no? iv) suekina baggu jan. doko de kaa? I is a nice bag, isn i? Where did you buy i? The mos formal expression is represened in i) where he copula appears in he gozaimasu ending (an honorific form) and he second senence ends in he masu form of he honorific verb o buy. A slighly less formal example is ii) where he copula and verb endings are in he masu forms. Informal or shor forms are expressed in iii) and iv) wih abrup endings, and in iii hose are accompanied by senence final paricles (SFP). By looking a he synacic forms, one can immediaely predic he saus of he lisener and he siuaion. Thus, we can infer ha in i) he lisener is older or more imporan han he speaker or he relaionship is exremely formal while in ii) he relaionship is formal and he inerlocuors could be of he same saus and age. In iii) and iv) he inerlocuors are close friends or family members and i is an informal siuaion. As wih oher languages, he lengh of he uerance is an indicaion of he degree of polieness. As noed in he inroducion, speech syle in Japanese is defined by he degree of formaliy and differences of age and saus beween inerlocuors. An addiional facor ha influences he choice of speech syle is known as he uchi/soo concep or in-group or ou-group membership. This awareness of membership inclusion or exclusion is crucial no only in he choice of speech syle bu also of honorifics and oher synacic consrucions. Speech syle shifs Shifs of speech syle are chosen in sraegic ways. In he following excerp from daa of his sudy from a elevision inerview, he gues is a professional naure phoographer who describes his experiences in he fores when rying o ake shos of a flying squirrel. In lines 2 and 3 of excerp 1, he gues uses no only he plain form (in bold and underlined) bu also he rough firs personal pronoun ore and a very colloquial form of he verb kurenai. Oher endings are in he formal or desu form (underlined). Excerp 1) (ningen mappu) 1 G: chigau momonga ga/ (eh) ushiro ni ia rashiin desu. 2 (hai)... de.. <nande ore no hoo ni kamera mukee 3 kunnain da >. e iu yoo na (uhn) ano= kanji de/ (eh) 4 aashi nooko/ ondan desu. (sure sure o.) eh. ggiriggiri. LSC-2008 Page 129

4 5 (hai) supaao o ondean desu. G: a differen flying squirrel (uh-huh) seemed o be behind me. (yes) and i was as if i was saying somehing like <Why don you aim your camera a me> (uh-huh) and flew owards me/ (very close) really close. (yes) Jus flew. By shifing o he plain syle, he gues is able o provide a livelier narraive ha includes a quoaion from he animal he encounered. Lieraure Review Speech syle shif was already formally recorded in Japan when language sandardizaion was being implemened by he Meiji governmen in he 19 h cenury. A number of grammarians and educaors wroe abou his phenomenon and criicised he mixing of syles (for a deailed accoun see Maynard, 1991). Early sudies on speech syle shif published in English by Makino (1983, 2002) and Ikua (1983), observed ha syle swich occurs frequenly in spoken Japanese. Makino (1983) used he Principle of Speaker-Orienaion o explain hese shifs. He defines speaker and lisener-orienaion as wo differen mechanisms in conversaion. Speaker orienaion is he moivaion o express some highly subjecive and pre-supposiional informaion (Makino, 1983: 143) and lisener orienaion is when he informaion is direced owards he recipien of he alk. Makino s laer work (2002) concenraes on shifs from polie o informal, and offers an insighful analysis of he psychological moivaions for such shifs. He argues ha shifs occur when a speaker wans o express ideas ha are inwardly direced and when alking abou non-conrollable maers. While his works are invaluable for undersanding he differen mechanisms ha influence shifs, he does no include any social or inerpersonal facors in he analysis, even hough syle is primarily a device ha indexes inerpersonal informaion. Meanwhile, Ikua (1983) explains hese shifs by using he noion of disance. She erms he polie form as [+Disan] and he informal as [-Disan]. She explains ha he speaker shifs o he [-Disan] o show empahy when he opic is posiive and hus demonsrae aiudinal closeness o he lisener. Similarly, she argues ha hese shifs are used o signal discourse cohesion of subordinae clauses or illusraions. She mainains ha hese shifs do no violae he social rules and ha hey are sraegically used, and skilful speakers learn when o shif syles in order o show closeness and appropriae disance. However, her asserion ha when opics are very personal or sensiive he [-Disance] should be avoided as i violaes personal space seems o be a conradicion, as empahy should involve a closer inerpersonal disance. Anoher problem wih his research is ha he [+Disance] concep does no explain many oher shifs such as inerjecions or soliloquy. Maynard (1991, 2001) has wrien on his opic from he viewpoin of discourse modaliy. Using spoken daa as well as wrien ficion, she argues ha he plain syle is used when he speaker (i) suddenly recalls or explains somehing, (ii) vividly expresses evens, (iii) alks o him/ herself, (iv) joinly creaes uerances, (v) presens background informaion and (vi) expresses an inimae relaionship wih he lisener. On he oher hand, he polie syle is used when he speaker (a) expresses a hough which direcly addresses he lisener and (b) communicaes essenial informaion. Maynard (2001) also commens ha shifs from polie o plain levels reflec an emoional aspec and are explained as an awareness of hou. As wih many sudies on speech level shifs, he use of boh formal and informal ineracions, spoken and wrien daa wihou any disincion seems o be problemaic, as he social and psychological facors in hose seings are very differen in naure. Two sudies ha use he heories of universal polieness and discernmen polieness wih divergen argumens are Cook (2006) and Megumi (2002). Cook (2006) wries ha because speakers have a choice in each and every urn, hey are by no means passively following he social rules of discernmen. According o Cook, social ideniies are creaed in momen-by-momen ineracion. She also shows ha here is a paern wihin a urn, where he polie form is used firs, he shif o plain form is employed o expand he speaker s presenaion and revers o he plain form before a urn relevan place (TRP). An opposing view is ha of Megumi (2002), who demonsraes ha social facors play an imporan par in he overall choice of polie and plain forms. In a discussion beween a junior suden and wo seniors, she shows how he older inerlocuors consisenly use plain forms whereas he former uses polie speech. In his way, she demonsraes ha age, saus and discernmen are basic in an ineracion. LSC-2008 Page 130

5 Two oher works ha have looked a plain o polie shifs are Janes (2000), and Yoshida and Sakurai (2005). Janes (2000) analysed shifs in informal conversaion using TV dramas and included he use of senence final paricles. She found ha shifs moivaed by he awareness of hou or caused by aiudinal disance are characerized by naked plain forms (wihou senence final paricles or SFPs). The use of paricles wih he plain forms was moivaed by negaive polieness, hus, providing liseners more choices of how o respond. Janes new approach is exremely ineresing as i provides a new perspecive ino he undersanding of his area, in paricular wih he use of muliple heories o explain his phenomenon. However, he pauciy of daa in Janes sudy and he lack of disincion beween formal and informal ineracions in he sudies by Cook and Megumi is a drawback. In paricular, because so many social and psychological facors seem o affec choice of speech syle, a larger daa se or more uniform ype of daa are desirable. Yoshida and Sakurai (2005) based heir research on casual conversaions, and show ha Japanese speakers shif syles o index heir role ideniy. They argue ha speakers are very creaive in using polie forms when alking o friends or family members o mark heir socio-culural ideniy. This sudy is worhy of noe because i shows ha in informal siuaions, facors such as saus or age difference are irrelevan in syle shifing. Their observaions are very imporan for he undersanding of his phenomenon and emphasize he need o differeniae beween formal and informal ineracions. The daa Sixeen elevision inerviews and four radio phone-in programs broadcas in Japan during he period of were used in his sudy. The elevision inerviews were broadcas a differen imes of he day and ranged from news programs o celebriy inerviews. The four radio phone-in programs are from Terefon Jinsei Soodan, broadcas daily by a privae radio saion. While he elevision programs feaure guess known for heir experise or heir achievemens, he callers in he radio program are anonymous, and ask for advice. The inerviews are dyadic in naure. The radio programs are iniially dyadic, however, laer in he program a counsellor joins in. Speech syle shifs in he daa As expeced, polie syle was used hroughou mos of he programs. Any shif of syle was examined in he analysis; including choice of words, use of discourse markers and minimal responses. There were wo major ypes of shifs classified according o heir funcion: Sylisic (used for quoaions, examples, clarificaion/summaries) Ineracional Rappor (used o creae rappor, o save face or o sofen criicism) Mixed (inerjecions, repeiions, soliloquy) Sylisic shifs and ineracional shifs were easy o idenify because he former is mainly narraive oriened while he laer seems o be more psychologically riggered. Mixed shifs, however are mulifuncional, and are more difficul o classify hem. I was necessary o es wheher (i) polie forms could be used wihou changing he effec on he discourse and on he ineracion, and even more imporanly, (ii) wheher he shifs were acively direced a he lisener or no. Sylisic shifs Sylisic shifs occurred mosly urn-inernally and were discourse moivaed. They were used o provide a more vivid accoun, such as providing quoaions or o give examples or illusraions. In excerp 1), presened previously, we have an example where he gues shifs o he plain form for a quoaion. Noe ha he effec on he narraive would have been compleely differen, had he gues used he polie form in he quoaive phrase. A male ideniy is indexed hrough he choice of he plain form and he various oher rough iems, whereas a polie form would convey he image of a female animal. When enumeraing or giving examples, Japanese speakers can use speech syle shifs o indicae subordinae phrases. In excerp 2), he gues is he presiden of an organizaion ha provides raining and jobs for disabled people. Here, she explains why she had sared ha organizaion. A small exrac of a very long urn shows hree similar uerances wih he abrup verbal ending in lines 2 and 3. LSC-2008 Page 131

6 As in excerp 1), he endings of hese subordinae phrases would have sounded raher unnaural and cumbersome had he speaker chosen polie forms. They are used o give he various reasons why disabled people wan o work. The use of plain forms in his ype of consrucion is commonly observed in wrien Japanese (Makino, 1980; Maynard, 1991). Observe ha he main phrase (line 4) ends in he formal masu form. Excerp 2) Sylisic shifs(yuuyuu) 1 G: jisu wa/ yume mo kiboo mo dekiru koo mo 2 shakai ni aishie waashi wa konna koo shiai. 3 haarakiai. kane mo kasegiai. moo ironna omoi o 4 moe haru e iu (e.e. e.) yoku wakarimashian de, (coninues) G: as a maer of fac/ people have dreams and aspiraions and hings ha hey wan o do for sociey. They wan o work. They wan o earn money. (yes. yes. yes). and because I really undersood ha (coninues) Ineracional shifs, Rappor Ineracional rappor-ype shifs are very differen in naure from he sylisic shifs in ha hey seem o be psychologically moivaed. They appeared mosly urn-finally, someimes accompanied by senence final paricles, alhough some occurred in urn-iniial posiions. As observed in oher sudies (Ikua, 1983; Maynard, 1991, 2001), plain forms appear when inerlocuors wan o show a relaxed and inimae aiude as in he excerp 3. The inerview was nearing he end, he opic had been abou he gues s rips and phoographs had been shown. A his poin, boh hos and gues had already esablished a rappor and seemed o be enjoying he inerview. Here, hey are alking abou a cruise he gues had aken and how she had learned ballroom dancing while on board. Firs he hos shifs o plain form and hen he gues follows sui (line 5). In line 6, he hos coninues using he plain form. However, he hos revers o he polie honorific form ohikininaa when she asks a quesion, hus, following he proocol of he inerview siuaion. Excerp 3) (Tesuko) 1 G aashi warusu odorimashia no. ara kakkoku no hio ga MMinNa kie 2 ne/ e aaian desu. 3 T: demo sank san sanshuukan/ sanshuukan no aida ni dansu e sonnani 4 jozu ni odorechau no/ 5 G: kanan yo. 6 T: ah. honou? sugoi no.(@) sorekara nanka piano mo ohiki ni naan 7 desu e ne/ G: When I danced a walz, people from differen counries came and applauded us. T: Bu, hree- hree weeks. In hree weeks can you become such a good dancer? G: Easy. T: Oh, really? Grea! Tha s amazing! And also, I ve heard ha you played he piano. Excerp 4 is from a raher unusual inerview due o he age differences beween he hos and he gues. The gues was a 100 year-old prominen feminis and he hos is a lawyer in her lae 30s. The gues used plain forms as in he example below and hese shifs sounded impressionisically naural because he age difference and he gues s high profile pu her saus clearly above he hos s. In excerp 4, he gues alks abou her husband while heir phoograph is shown. Unlike excerp 3 where he shif is iniiaed by he older hos wih he gues following sui, he shif in 4 is iniiaed by he gues bu he hos keeps using he polie form. I is only much laer in he program, when he hos feels enough rappor beween hem, o shif o he plain form. Excerp 4) (Fukushima-Kao) LSC-2008 Page 132

7 1 G: [soo nan desu yo.] aama wa ii shi, moo oodai o 2 yuuoo o sosugyoo shie, [hansamu de ] 3 [(hansamu desu ne/)] moosu oko nai no. 4 H: soo desu ne/ oyashisoo desu mono ne/ G: [yes, really.] Inelligen, and graduaed from Tokyo Universiy, and [handsome and] [(he is really handsome, isn he?)] here is nohing o complain, you know. H: Yes. And he also looks very kind. Mixed shifs Ineracional mixed-ype shifs occurred a various poins in he discourse and were used o show ineres and involvemen in he ineracion. These shifs were muli-funcional in ha hey showed he desire o keep a shorer psychological disance and a he same ime hey funcioned as quesions, minimal responses, soliloquy. In excerp 5, he inerview feaures a woman who had a remarkable life sory of ransformaion from being a gang member o becoming a lawyer. Here, she alks abou her daily rouine and he hos s urn in line 4 is a quasi inerjecion of asonishmen and admiraion. Exclamaions of his sor canno be in he polie form unless hey are in he inerrogaive form wih rising or fla inonaion. I is impossible o know a whom his urn was direced; however, he gues inerpres his urn as a sign of he hos s ineres, as can be seen in line 5. Excerp 5) (doyoo inabyuu) 1 G: hai kocchi ni kuru no wa kujihan- sugi ga (uhn) 2 moo suujoo nan desu kedomo/ moomoo/ waashi 3 wa yoji goro kara moo benkyoo shiemasu node 4 H: asa yoji! 5 G: hai. 6 H: HAA. soshie/ 7 G: nnn. neru no wa daiai juuniji sugi gurai desu ne/ 8 H: eh!! jaa- suimin jikan yoji- 9 G: hai. san yojikan desu. 10 H: WAAA! Daijooo-bu-==? G: yes when I come here i is usually pas nine hiry (uh-huh), bu, I ve acually already been sudying from four am. H: Four in he morning! I is ineresing ha in line 10, he hos s involvemen and preoccupaion wih he gues s wellbeing is displayed by he use of he plain form afer learning ha she only has 4 hours of sleep a day. Mixed-ype shifs also occur in one inerview when he inerviewer encouners a raher unusual siuaion; he is challenged by he gues in a funny and playful way in excerp 6. The gues asks why people like Mozar s music, and he hos canno find an answer even hough he is pressed for and answer hrough a number of urns. A number of shifs occur in boh he hos s and he gues s urns which are muli-funcional. In line 2, he hos uses he plain form in he same way as he gues s uerance in lines 3 and 4, and his is probably a soliloquy. Line 5, however, is a reques for he gues o answer he quesion as he explains here is lile ime. The fac ha he uses he plain form in he informal imperaive form seems o funcion as a face-saving device. Noice ha here is laugher in boh he gues s and he hos s urn which may funcion as face mainaining sraegies (Brown and Levinson, 1987:40). In line 6, he gues iniially uses plain forms bu shifs back o he polie in her answer in subsequen lines. Excerp 6) (Sage door) LSC-2008 Page 133

8 1 G: kangaeemie kudasai. 2 H: nan darou na/ 3 G: koko de koae dashichau e iya da na (@@@) dasanai de 4 kangaesaseoko ka ne (@@@) 5 H: koae dashie. ie ie koae dashie. jikan ga 6 G: hono/@@@ dashichau o sumannain dakedo (uhn.) ma= o iu no wa 7 ne/ aru oki aakushi ga {coninues} G: please hink H: I wonder wha i is. G: I don wan o give you he answer (@@) Maybe I won answer and jus leave you o hink abou i? (@@) H: Give he answer. No. No. Give he answer, cause here s no ime. (@@) G: I s boring if I answer bu (uh-huh) well, he fac is you know, ha once I {coninues} Differences in radio and elevision Television inerviews and radio programs showed disinc characerisics. Table 1 shows he speech syle shifs found in elevision. Sylisic shifs occur in all programs while mixed-ype shifs occur in some. Ineracional rappor-ype shifs, on he oher hand, are direcly relaed o he age of he inerlocuors as seen in able 1. These are iniiaed by he older speaker and someimes reciprocaed by he lisener. For example, in he las program iled Tesuko no Heya (Bando) he hos and gues are friends and consequenly hey seem o use more shifs han observed anywhere else excep in he inerview wih Fukushima-Kao and Miyake-Ohira, where here is a marked age difference. Table 1 Speech syle shifs in elevision Program Sylisic shifs Ineracional: Rappor Ineracional: Mixed Age Hos Gues Hos Gues Hos Gues Hos Gues ETV s 50s Ningen mappu s 50s Ningen yuuyuu s 50s Sage door I s 40s Sage door II s 40s Miyake-Yuaka s 30s Miyake-Oohira s 30s News s 70s ETV s 60s Fukushima-Kao s 100 Sawayaka s 60s Yuuyuu s 50s Tesuko no s 60s Heya *Hoa Tesuko no s 60s Heya *Miyao Tesuko no Heya *Bando s 30s LSC-2008 Page 134

9 The radio programs on he oher hand, showed clear differences in he ypes of shifs and who used hem. While shifs in he elevision inerviews did no occur for more han wo urns, in radio programs he preseners and counsellors used plain forms more ofen. Table 2 shows he relaionship beween he age differences and he ypes of shifs used by hoss, counsellors and callers. Noe ha one of he counsellors used plain form hroughou he program (Program XII). Table 2 Syle shifs in radio discourse Program Sylisic shifs Ineracional: Rappor Ineracional: Mixed Hos C o Gues Hos C o Gues Hos C o Gues Hos Co Gues Jinsei soodan VIII s Jinsei soodan VII s Jinsei soodan XII Jinsei soodan XIII ? 42 Co-counsellor, The speech syle was informal hroughou The hoss in hese radio programs invariably shif o he plain form when alking o heir callers wih a paern where he hos sars wih polie form and shifs o plain form once informaion abou he callers ages is revealed. However hey shif back o polie forms before handing over o he counsellor. In excerp 7 he caller is answering quesions relaed o her siuaion. When he hos asks her age in line 1, he uses he polie form. However, once he noes ha she is younger han him, he shifs o he plain form in line 3. Excerp 7) (Jinsei. 28/09/05) 1 H: kore, okusan ima oikusu desuka? 2 C: sanjyuu roku sai desu. 3 H: a. mada. ja, okusan mo haaraieru? 4 C: ima=, paao ni deerun desukedo, H: Uhm, how old are you? C: I am hiry six. H: Oh. Sill (hiry six). So, you re working oo? C: Now, I have a par-ime job. Wha is mos ineresing is ha counsellors use plain forms o provide advice while callers, on he oher hand, use polie forms hroughou. The shifs o plain forms by he hos and he counsellor could indicae no only age and saus differences, bu also a sraegy o make callers feel more relaxed and faciliae he conversaion. I has been repored ha even in solicied advice-seeking siuaions (Jefferson and Lee, 1981; Heriage and Sefi, 1992), advice giving can be an FTA and herefore counsellors mus be acful and mus make hose seeking heir advice feel relaxed and a home. In our daa hos and counsellor face and addiional challenge; callers problems are very complex and hoss have o obain as much informaion as possible wihin a limied amoun of ime. Discussion This sudy has revealed significan differences in he characerisics of syle shifs in formal discourse hrough a funcional analyical perspecive. Syle shifs were classified according o heir funcion: sylisic and ineracional (rappor and mixed). While sylisic shifs were presen in he speech of mos of he speakers, he oher was more resriced. Ineracional rappor-ype shifs occurred only when he inerlocuors i) age and saus difference was obvious, ii) when hey knew each oher, iii) when hey Age LSC-2008 Page 135

10 had esablished a rappor or iv) when he opic was ligh. This finding suggess ha hese speech syle shifs have o be looked a as wo differen kinds of phenomena. The fac ha sylisic shifs occur commonly in he daa regardless of social facors suggess ha hey should be considered as a discourse sraegy o enliven and develop a narraive. Sylisic shifs are hose cases in which he polie form would be raher cumbersome (example 2) or no accurae enough (example 1). In hose cases, shifing o plain forms proves o be more efficien han having o use considerably longer phrases and explanaions. Plain forms are generally used o lis examples or o quoe and i can be argued ha hey are a very efficien and effecive way o convey informaion. Consequenly, sylisic shifs are used by mos of he inerlocuors in he daa, in paricular by he elevision inerview guess. Ineracional shifs (rappor-ype in paricular), on he oher hand, seem o be bound by social facors such as age and in-group/ou-group membership as well as opic. Ineracional shifs as seen in examples 3-7 are a resul of, or inended o creae, rappor beween inerlocuors. In all of hem, he shif o he plain form is iniiaed by he older or higher saus speaker and no always reciprocaed. These shifs funcion in a similar way o discourse markers or oher cooperaive sraegies (for example, ag quesions) because: a) heir use does no change he conen of he uerance, b) hey do no add any new informaion o he proposiional conen and c) hey have an emoive funcion. There was a clear difference beween he radio and elevision programs. While mos of he shifs in he TV inerviews are sylisic, ineracional shifs are more common in he radio programs. Moreover, ineracional shifs in he TV inerviews were observed in he speech of older speakers regardless of heir role. In conras, ineracional shifs in he radio programs were exclusively used by he hos and he counsellor. Reasons for his difference may be aribued o several causes. Firsly, his variaion can be caused by he very naure of visual and audio broadcas. A face-o-face ineracion and a elephone exchange enail differen kinds of communicaive sraegies, as here are fewer cues in he laer. Anoher imporan reason migh be ha elevision inerviews and radio call-in programs are produced for differen purposes. The inerview is designed so ha some aspec of he gues s life, work or way of hinking can be shared wih he public. The radio program, on he oher hand, is designed o provide advice o people wih problems. However, wha appears o be crucially imporan is he difference in he inerlocuors saus. The guess saus in elevision inerviews is relaively higher han ha of he inerviewers. Usami (29920 wries ha more powerful speakers have less inhibiions abou using informal forms as seen in his sudy. Guess are invied o be inerviewed because of heir professional or personal conribuion o sociey or because hey have gained some sor of social prominence. In conras, he callers saus is lower han ha of he hoss and counsellors in he radio programs, who are usually professionals such as lawyers, psychologiss or medical docors. Callers are ordinary ciizens and mos imporanly hey are anonymous. I is herefore ineresing ha he callers speech did no show any ineracional shifs and only a few insances of sylisic and ineracional (mixed) shifs. I seems, herefore, ha social facors are exremely imporan in he use of ineracional (rappor ype) shifs. Anoher possible reason for he consisen shif o plain forms by he counsellor and he hoss in he radio programs is ha hey were used as a sraegy o creae an informal amosphere so ha he caller could feel relaxed. I is known ha advice giving is a poenial FTA (Heriage and Sefi, 1998), and herefore, hoss may have used plain forms as a conscious aemp o diffuse a possibly sressful encouner. Similarly, i has been repored ha in advice-seeking seings many of he callers do no bring up jus a single problem and ha in order for he hos and counsellor o undersand he whole siuaion, much probing is needed (Huchby, 1995). One of he ways o elici informaion is o make he caller feel relaxed and o show a closer psychological disance; and his can be achieved in Japanese hrough he use of plain forms. A quesion arises, hen, wheher he paricipans use of speech syles is governed by social norms exclusively or wheher hey choose hem as he ineracion develops. This dilemma brings us o he curren debae on Japanese polieness based on he universal polieness heory (Brown and Levinson, 1978) and he concep of discernmen proposed by Ide (1989) and ohers. The resuls of he presen sudy sugges ha boh heories are applicable. Discernmen seems o be he framework ha limis he use of plain forms. In he elevision inerviews, ineracional shifs are very shor and inerlocuors always rever o he polie form. This is an indicaion of heir awareness of he difference in sa- LSC-2008 Page 136

11 us, of he seing and of he formaliy. Similarly, alhough hoss and counsellors in he radio programs shif o plain forms more ofen and use hem for a number of urns, hey always use he polie form a he beginning and end of he program and also when hey alk o each oher. Callers do no shif o plain forms even hough he hoss and counsellors regularly do so. In hese radio programs, he saus differences beween he inerlocuors are very clear. The hoss and counsellors as professionals and renowned people have a higher saus, whereas he callers are ordinary people wih a correspondingly lower saus. Discernmen is he rule when paricipans in a public or insiuional ineracion know ha hey should use he polie forms because of he formaliy of he siuaion and paricipans in boh ypes of programs show ha hey are aware of he seing. A he same ime, we can sugges ha voliion is a very imporan aspec of he discourse. In he elevision inerviews, a number of inerlocuors who are much older or almos similar in age do no shif a all. I can be argued ha hose who did no wan o index psychological closeness wih he lisener did no use any shifs. The fac ha many paricipans used no ineracional (rappor) or mixed shifs a all indicaes ha hey did no feel he need o show familiariy owards he lisener. Because ineracional shifs do no funcion in a similar way o sylisic shifs i can be argued ha hey are a direc reflecion of he speaker s psychological aiude. Those who used ineracional shifs fel ha eiher hey had he righ o use plain forms because of heir higher saus or fel relaxed and inimae enough o do so. I seems hen, ha hese wo heories are no disparae as has been argued (Cook, 2006) bu complimenary. People, regardless of culure, know wha consiues expeced behaviour and, herefore, paricipans know during an inerview ha i is a formal seing and ha he inerviewer has o ask quesions and he inerviewee has o answer hem. A he same ime, I agree wih Masumoo ha every uerance in Japanese carries a pragmaic message, and ha herefore he choice of syle or syle shif is up o he individual (Masumoo, 1988,) as is clear from my daa. Some of he paricipans chose o shif syles o demonsrae a paricular sance while ohers did no. This sudy also raises a number of ineresing quesions for fuure research. A consideraion of a larger number of similar programs can indicae how general he findings are. Observing oher insiuional daa can reveal more abou syle shifs in formal Japanese. Wha occurs in siuaions where here are more han hree inerlocuors and when he facors are more complex? Similarly, a look a informal discourse using he same parameers would also be ineresing. The resuls of his sudy, I believe, will conribue o he undersanding of he phenomenon of syle shifs. While here are many quesions sill waiing o be answered by fuure research, he daa in his sudy enables us o argue ha a funcional view of speech syle shifs provides a new perspecive. Conclusion This sudy has shown ha speech syle shifs are no a single phenomenon bu should be considered as differen linguisic sraegies depending on heir funcion. Shifs from polie o informal in formal elevision and radio discourse have shown ha hose used for narraive purposes occur for cogniive reasons and are no bound by social facors. Ineracional shifs, on he oher hand, are used o show a collaboraive sance, are psychologically moivaed, and socio-culural facors seem o be direcly relaed o heir use. Ineracional (rappor-ype) shifs, in paricular, are presen in he speech of older or higher saus speakers regardless of heir role. These resuls show he imporance of adding a funcional perspecive in analysis speech syle shifs and he inclusion of all facors affecing an ineracion. I is hoped ha his sudy will conribue o he undersanding of language as a dynamic sysem, in which speakers use sraegies ha on he surface seem o be of similar naure bu are funcionally quie differen. These sraegies are chosen houghfully in order o maximize heir communicaive goals. References Brown, P. & Gilman, A. (1972). The pronouns of power and solidariy. In P. P. Giglioli (Ed.), Language and Social Conex. Middlesex: Penguin. LSC-2008 Page 137

12 Brown, P. & Levinson, S. (1987). Polieness: Some Universals in Language Usage. Cambridge: Cambridge Universiy Press. Cook, M. H. (2006). Japanese polieness as an ineracional achievemen: academic consulaion sessions in Japanese universiies. Mulilingua, 25, Cook, M. H. (2002). The social meaning of he Japanese plain form. In N. Akasuka & S. Srauss (Eds.), Japanese Korean Linguisics, Vol.10 (pp ). Sanford: CSLI. Eelen, G. (2001). A Criique of Polieness Theories. Mancheser: Sain Jerome Publicaions. Hasegawa, Y. (2006). Embedded soliloquy and affecive sances in Japanese. In S. Suzuki (Ed.). Emoive Communicaion in Japanese (pp ). Amserdam: John Benjamins. Heriage, J. & Sefi, S. (1998). Dilemmas of advice: aspecs of he delivery and recepion of advice in ineracions beween healh visiors and firs-ime mohers. In P. Drew & J. Heriage (Eds.), Talk a Work (pp ). Cambridge: Cambridge Universiy Press Huchby, I. (1995). Aspecs of recipien design in exper advice-giving on call-in radio. Discourse Processes, 19, Ide, S. (1989). Formal forms and discernmen: wo negleced aspecs of universals of linguisic polieness. Mulilingua, 8, Ikua, S. (1983). Speech level shif and conversaional sraegy. Language Sciences, 5 (1), Janes, A. (2000). The ineracion of syle-shif and paricle use in Japanese dialogue. Journal of Pragmaics, 32, Jefferson, G. & Lee, J. R. E. (1981). The rejecion of advice: managing he problemaic convergence of a roubles-elling and a service encouner. Journal of Pragmaics, 5, Makino, S. (2002). When does communicaion urn menally inward?: a case of Japanese formal-oinformal swiching. In N. Akasuka & S. Srauss (Eds.), Japanese Korean Linguisics. Vol.10 (pp ). Sanford: CSLI. Makino, S. (1983). Speaker/lisener-orienaion and formaliy marking in Japanese. Gengo Kenkyuu, 84, Masumoo, Y. (1988). Re-examinaion of he universaliy of face: polieness phenomena in Japanese. Journal of Pragmaics, 12, Maynard, S. (2001). Falling in love wih syle: expressive funcions of sylisic shifs in a Japanese elevision drama series. Funcions of Language, 8 (1), Maynard, S. (1991). Pragmaics of discourse modaliy: a case of da and desu/masu forms in Japanese. Journal of Pragmaics, 15, Megumi, M. (2002). The swiching beween desu/masu form and plain form: from he perspecive of urn consrucion. In N. M. Akasuka & S. Srauss (Eds.), Japanese Korean Linguisics, Vol. 10 (pp ). Sanford: CSLI. Usami, M. (2002). Discourse Polieness in Japanese Conversaion. Tokyo: Hiuji Syobo. Was, R., Ide, S. & Ehlich, K. (2005). Polieness in Language Sudies: Sudies in Is Hisory, Theory and Pracice. Berlin: Mouon de Gruyer. Yoshida, M. & Sakurai, C. (2005). Japanese honorifics as a marker of socio-culural ideniy: a view from a non-wesern perspecive. In R. T. Lakoff & S. Ide (Eds.), Broadening he Horizon of Linguisic Polieness (pp ). Amserdam: John Benjamins. LSC-2008 Page 138

1 Language universals

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