Lexical Factors in Language Acquisition

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1 LANGUAGE AND COGNITIVE PROCESSES, 1997, 12 (5/6), Lexical Factors in Language Acquisition Cecile McKee Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ, USA BACKGROUND Models of speech processing ultimately bear both on accounts of how it is that adults represent and manipulate words and phrases, and on accounts of how it is that the systems supporting these processes in the adult develop in the child. Such models can therefore be informed by research which is not focused on speech per se. For example, investigations of the lexicon s most abstract elements can re ne our understanding of speech processing. Research probing lexical and syntactic factors in children s language developm ent provides a speci c example of such connections among domains of psycholinguistics. The empirical focus of the research programme described here is syntactic developm ent. Two broad themes run through the research. First, there is an emphasis on the need to test children s developing language capacities in terms of both their receptive and their productive performance. Primary reliance on spontaneous production data in particular can distort the developm ental picture in language acquisition. Carefully designed experim ental tests of elicited production and of comprehension must be brought to bear on claims that arise from conventional studies of corpora of children s language. A second emphasis in my work is on the need to carefully evaluate a variety of lexical processes and their potential impact on sentence processing and consequent claims regarding grammatical capacity in children. I describe here two experiments that illustrate various aspects of this approach, one focusing on production issues for closed-class vocabulary and one focusing on comprehension issues for open-class vocabulary. Requests for reprints should be addressed to Cecile McKee, Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ 85721, USA. q 1997 Psychology Press Ltd

2 854 McKEE FINDINGS Experimental Example 1: Production of Closed-class Elements in Italian This study centres on the very elements that young children s utterances often lack ones from the closed-class inventory. Those examined here are Italian pronominal clitics (like li and la) that force verb object agreement in certain circumstances. The study of children s ability to use these clitics appropriately can reveal knowledge of structure in ways not readily gleaned from their spontaneous production. The point of interest here is best explained with reference to an actual utterance and an interpretation problem it represents. The Italian utterance in (1a) was produced by a child of 1:8 (years:months) studied in Antinucci and Miller (1976); the utterance s English gloss includes the gender and number marking bound to the verb, with F standing for feminine and P for plural and 1 for rst person. The contention illustrated here involves a comparison of (1b) what Antinucci and Miller, and Borer and Wexler (1992), proposed that the speaker of (1a) intended to say and (1c) what McKee and Emiliani (1992) suggested instead: 1a. prese io taken-f,p I 1b. Ho prese le calze have-s,1 taken-f,p the-f,p socks-f,p 1c. Le ho prese io them-f,p have-s,1 taken-f,p I Rather than reviewing the justi cations for each side of this debate or the underlying structure in question here, note only that adults reject (1b) s agreement between a verb and a full NP object following it, but they accept (1c) s agreem ent between a verb and a pronominal object clitic preceding it. In other words, adults nd (1b) ungrammatical and (1c) grammatical. Clearly, children whose grammatical systems represent (1b) are off target. Moving now to our experim ent s materials, Emiliani and I manipulated the contexts most natural for a pre-verbal clitic (like le) and a post-verbal NP (like le calze). We used a variation on Hamburger and Crain s (1982) elicitation task to get young Italian-learne rs to describe scenarios. Our nine subjects, aged between 2:2 and 2:11, produced descriptions similar in form to the utterance in (1a); that is, some utterances lacked the clitic or the full NP. But interestingly, the verbs in these utterances showed object agreement in the contexts designed to elicit pre-verbal object clitics (see Fig. 1) and not in the contexts designed to elicit full, post-verbal NP objects (see Fig. 2). Crucially, much of the evidence for this agreem ent came from elements which are bound to the verb.

3 FIG. 1. Twenty- ve utterances from clitic-eliciting contexts. Dark bars 5 object agreement; light bars 5 no object agreement. FIG. 2. Twenty- ve utterances from full NP-eliciting contexts. Dark bars 5 object agreement; light bars 5 no object agreement. 855

4 856 McKEE We concluded from our subjects appropriate use of verb object agreem ent that their knowledge of the structures supporting such grammatical relations is closer to the target than their (sometimes minimal) utterances would indicate. But if that is true, then one must ask why young children don t talk more like adults. This study suggests that the answer to that question depends on the interplay between the production system and aspects of how a particular language packages lexical material. It is therefore not safe to conclude that whenever children omit closed-class elements, this re ects a lack of syntactic competence. Rather, when suitably tested, even children s limited generation of bound elements can indicate early and sophisticated syntactic competence. Experimental Example 2: Comprehension of Open-class Elements in English Again, the focus is on early syntactic knowledge. Here, the question is whether to attribute apparent limitations in children s performance with certain language structures to a grammatical limitation, or to a limitation in the lexical knowledge that would trigger appropriate grammatical analysis. The point of interest here is best explained with reference to a classic pair of sentences: In (2a) John is interpreted as the pleaser but in (2b) as the pleasee. Since all the words except the adjectives in these two sentences are identical, the interpretation difference is thought to re ect syntactic information related to the adjectives. 2a. John is eager to please. 2b. John is easy to please. Chomsky s (1969) study of children s mastery of such words, as well as most later research on the same question, blamed children s errors in interpreting sentences like (2b) on syntactic limitations. Again, rather than reviewing empirical details from the relevant literature or the underlying structure in question here, note only that children who cannot process (2b) as adults do are off target in some respect. But in what respect? In my view, computational limitations (e.g. in the child s syntactic knowledge) should affect all words which call for the relevant structure. But lexical limitations might elicit more varied patterns of performance. Moving now to my experim ent s materials, I used four of the so-called object control adjectives (easy, hard, dif cult, impossible) in a forced-choice picture selection task. My 64 subjects, who ranged in age from 1:11 to 5:11, showed the expected developm ental trend. But they varied considerably in their success in interpreting these adjectives (see Fig. 3). The interaction I found between adjectives and age groups points to lexical limitations. There was no

5 LEXICAL FACTORS IN LANGUAGE ACQUISITION 857 FIG. 3. Percent object interpretations for four adjectives and four age groups. evidence of the across-the-board pattern of errors predicted by computational limitations (i.e. either in a child s repertoire of syntactic structures or in a child s parsing capabilities). IMPLICATIONS These experiments emphasise the signi cance of two distinctions, one between types of lexical elements and the other between language processing systems. Recognising how these can interact during language developm ent may keep us from underestim ating children s progress towards their linguistic target. Added to these observations is a lesson that comes from cross-linguistic comparisons: The ways that any one language packages various lexical elements may be re ected differently in production and comprehension. To ground these statements in the research described here, these experim ents responded to claims about children s syntactic limitations which were based on their omission of some closed-class elements in production and their misunderstanding of some open-class elements in comprehension. The data from the Italian study indicate that knowledge of syntactic structures underlying agreem ent relations must be separated from

6 858 McKEE the presence or absence of a particular agreem ent marker. The data from the English study indicate that knowledge of a particular open-class word must be separated from knowledge of the syntactic structure in which that word participates. REFERENCES Antinucci, F., & Miller, R. (1976). How children talk about what happened. Journal of Child Language, 3, Borer, H., & Wexler, K. (1992). Biunique relations and the maturation of grammatical principles. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 10, Chomsky, C. (1969). The acquisition of syntax in children from 5 to 10. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Hamburger, H., & Crain, S. (1982). Relative acquisition. In S. Kuczaj (Ed.), Language development, Vol. II. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Inc. McKee, C., & Emiliani, M. (1992). Il clitico: C é ma non si vede. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 10,

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